Arabic – Wikipedia

semite speech and tongue franca of the Arab world
This article is about the general language ( macrolanguage ). For particular varieties of Arabic and other uses, see Arabic ( disambiguation )
Arabic ( اَلْعَرَبِيَّةُ, al-ʿarabiyyah [ al ʕaraˈbijːa ] ( ) or عَرَبِيّ, ʿarabīy [ ˈʕarabiː ] ( ) or [ ʕaraˈbij ] ) is a semite linguistic process that first emerged in the 1st to 4th centuries CE. [ 3 ] It is now the tongue franca of the arab worldly concern. [ 4 ] It is named after the Arabs, a term initially used to describe peoples living in the arabian Peninsula bounded by eastern Egypt in the west, Mesopotamia in the east, and the Anti-Lebanon mountains and northerly Syria in the north, as perceived by ancient greek geographers. [ 5 ] The ISO impute language codes to 32 varieties of Arabic, including its standard form, Modern Standard Arabic, [ 6 ] besides referred to as Literary Arabic, which is modernize classical music Arabic. This differentiation exists primarily among western linguists ; Arabic speakers themselves broadly do not distinguish between Modern Standard Arabic and Classical Arabic, but rather denote to both as al-ʿarabiyyatu l-fuṣḥā ( اَلعَرَبِيَّةُ ٱلْفُصْحَىٰ [ 7 ] “ the eloquent Arabic ” ) or just al-fuṣḥā ( اَلْفُصْحَىٰ ).

Arabic is widely taught in schools and universities around the world and is used to varying degrees in workplaces, governments and the media. [ 8 ] Arabic, in its Modern Standard Arabic form, is the official speech of 26 states and 1 quarrel district, the third base most after English and French ; [ 9 ] it is besides the liturgical terminology of the religion of Islam, since the Quran and the Hadiths were written in Classical Arabic. [ 10 ] During the early Middle Ages, Arabic was a major vehicle of culture in the Mediterranean area, particularly in skill, mathematics and philosophy. As a result, many european languages have besides borrowed many words from it. Arabic charm, chiefly in vocabulary, is seen in european languages —mainly spanish and to a lesser extent Portuguese, Catalan, and sicilian —owing to both the proximity of christian european and Muslim Arabized civilizations and the durable Muslim culture and Arabic terminology presence, chiefly in Southern Iberia, during the Al-Andalus era. The maltese terminology is a semite linguistic process developed from a dialect of Arabic and written in the Latin rudiment. [ 11 ] The Balkan languages, including greek and bulgarian, have besides acquired a significant number of words of Arabic origin through reach with Ottoman Turkish. Arabic has influenced many other languages around the earth throughout its history specially languages of Muslim cultures and countries that were conquered by Muslims. Some of the most charm languages are irani, turkish, Hindustani ( Hindi and Urdu ), [ 12 ] Kashmiri, Kurdish, Bosnian, Kazakh, Bengali, Malay ( indonesian and malaysian ), maldivian, Pashto, Punjabi, Albanian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Sicilian, Spanish, Greek, Bulgarian, Tagalog, Sindhi, Odia [ 13 ] Hebrew and Hausa and some languages in parts of Africa. conversely, Arabic has borrowed words from other languages, including Aramaic deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as Hebrew, Latin, Greek, Persian and to a lesser extent Turkish ( due to the Ottoman Empire ), english and french ( due to their colonization of the Levant ) and other semite languages such as abyssinian. Arabic is the liturgical terminology of 1.9 billion Muslims, and Arabic [ 14 ] is one of six official languages of the United Nations. [ 15 ] [ 16 ] [ 17 ] [ 18 ] All varieties of Arabic combined are spoken by possibly equally many as 422 million speakers ( native and non-native ) in the arabian universe, [ 19 ] making it the fifth most spoken language in the world, [ 20 ] and the fourth most secondhand terminology on the internet in terms of internet users. [ 21 ] [ 22 ] Arabic is written with the Arabic rudiment, which is an abjad script and is written from right to left, although the spoken varieties are sometimes written in ASCII Latin from left to right with no exchangeable orthography .

classification

Arabic is normally, but not universally, classified as a Central Semitic terminology. It is related to languages in other subgroups of the Semitic speech group ( Northwest Semitic, South Semitic, East Semitic, West Semitic ), such as Aramaic, Syriac, Hebrew, Ugaritic, Phoenician, Canaanite, Amorite, Ammonite, Eblaite, epigraphic Ancient North Arabian, epigraphic Ancient South Arabian, Ethiopic, Modern South Arabian, and numerous other dead and mod languages. Linguists still differ as to the best classification of semitic language sub-groups. [ 3 ] The Semitic languages changed a capital hand between Proto-Semitic and the egress of the Central Semitic languages, peculiarly in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include :

1. The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation (jalas-) into a past tense.
2. The conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation (yajlis-) into a present tense.
3. The elimination of other prefix-conjugated mood/aspect forms (e.g., a present tense formed by doubling the middle root, a perfect formed by infixing a /t/ after the first root consonant, probably a jussive formed by a stress shift) in favor of new moods formed by endings attached to the prefix-conjugation forms (e.g., -u for indicative, -a for subjunctive, no ending for jussive, -an or -anna for energetic).
4. The development of an internal passive.

There are several features which Classical Arabic, the mod Arabic varieties, american samoa well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions contribution which are unattested in any other Central Semitic lyric kind, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northerly Hejaz. These features are evidence of common descent from a hypothetical ancestor, Proto-Arabic. The postdate features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic : [ 23 ]

1. negative particles m * /mā/; lʾn * /lā-ʾan/ to Classical Arabic local area network
2. mafʿūl G-passive participle
3. prepositions and adverbs fluorine, ʿn, ʿnd, ḥt, ʿkdy
4. a subjunctive in – a
5. deoxythymidine monophosphate-demonstratives
6. leveling of the – at allomorph of the feminine ending
7. ʾn complementizer and subordinator
8. the use of farad– to introduce modal clauses
9. independent object pronoun in ( ʾ ) yttrium
10. vestiges of nunation

history

Old Arabic

Safaitic inscription Arabia boasted a wide-eyed variety of semite languages in antiquity. In the southwest, diverse Central Semitic languages both belonging to and outside of the Ancient South arab class ( e.g. Southern Thamudic ) were spoken. It is besides believed that the ancestors of the Modern South arabian languages ( non-Central Semitic languages ) were besides spoken in southern Arabia at this time. To the north, in the oases of northern Hejaz, Dadanitic and Taymanitic held some prestige as inscriptional languages. In Najd and parts of western Arabia, a lyric known to scholars as Thamudic C is attested. In easterly Arabia, inscriptions in a handwriting derived from ASA testify to a language known as Hasaitic. finally, on the northwestern frontier of Arabia, assorted languages known to scholars as Thamudic B, Thamudic D, Safaitic, and Hismaic are attested. The last two share authoritative isoglosses with later forms of Arabic, leading scholars to theorize that Safaitic and Hismaic are in fact early forms of Arabic and that they should be considered Old Arabic. [ 24 ] Linguists broadly believe that “ Old Arabic ” ( a collection of relate dialects that constitute the harbinger of Arabic ) first base emerged around the first century CE. previously, the earliest attestation of Old Arabic was thought to be a individual first century CE inscription in Sabaic script at Qaryat Al-Faw, in southerly contemporary Saudi Arabia. however, this dedication does not participate in several of the key innovations of the Arabic language group, such as the conversion of semitic mimation to nunation in the singular. It is better reassessed as a distinguish language on the Central Semitic dialect continuum. [ 25 ] It was besides thought that Old Arabic coexisted alongside—and then gradually displaced — epigraphic Ancient North Arabian ( ANA ), which was theorized to have been the regional spit for many centuries. ANA, despite its name, was considered a identical distinct language, and mutually opaque, from “ Arabic ”. Scholars named its discrepancy dialects after the towns where the inscriptions were discovered ( Dadanitic, Taymanitic, Hismaic, Safaitic ). [ 3 ] however, most arguments for a one ANA linguistic process or lyric syndicate were based on the form of the definite article, a prefix h-. It has been argued that the h- is an archaism and not a shared invention, and therefore unsuitable for language classification, rendering the hypothesis of an ANA linguistic process family indefensible. [ 26 ] Safaitic and Hismaic, previously considered ANA, should be considered Old Arabic due to the fact that they participate in the innovations coarse to all forms of Arabic. [ 24 ] The earliest attestation of continuous Arabic text in an ancestor of the modern Arabic script are three lines of poetry by a man named Garm ( ‘ ) allāhe found in En Avdat, Israel, and dated to around 125 CE. [ 29 ] This is followed by the Namara inscription, an epitaph of the Lakhmid king Imru ‘ al-Qays bar ‘Amro, dating to 328 CE, found at Namaraa, Syria. From the 4th to the 6th centuries, the Nabataean script evolves into the Arabic handwriting recognizable from the early Islamic era. [ 30 ] There are inscriptions in an undotted, 17-letter Arabic script dating to the sixth century CE, found at four locations in Syria ( Zabad, Jabal ‘Usays, Harran, Umm al-Jimaal ). The oldest surviving papyrus in Arabic dates to 643 CE, and it uses dots to produce the modern 28-letter Arabic rudiment. The speech of that papyrus and of the Qur’an are referred to by linguists as “ Quranic Arabic “, as distinct from its code soon thereafter into “ classical music Arabic “. [ 3 ]

Old Hejazi and Classical Arabic

arabic from the Quran in the old Hijazi dialect ( Hijazi script, seventh hundred AD ) In late pre-Islamic times, a transdialectal and transcommunal variety show of Arabic emerged in the Hejaz which continued living its latitude life after literary Arabic had been institutionally standardized in the 2nd and third hundred of the Hijra, most powerfully in judeo-christian textbook, keeping alert ancient features eliminated from the “ learn ” tradition ( Classical Arabic ). [ 31 ] This kind and both its classicize and “ lay ” iterations have been termed Middle Arabic in the past, but they are thought to continue an Old Higazi record. It is pass that the orthography of the Qur’an was not developed for the standardized form of Classical Arabic ; quite, it shows the attempt on the share of writers to record an antediluvian form of Old Higazi .
In the late sixth century AD, a relatively uniform intertribal “ poetic koine ” distinct from the talk vernaculars developed based on the Bedouin dialects of Najd, probably in connection with the court of al-Ḥīra. During the first Islamic hundred, the majority of Arabic poets and Arabic-writing persons spoke Arabic as their mother tongue. Their text, although chiefly preserved in far late manuscripts, contain traces of non-standardized Classical Arabic elements in morphology and syntax .

standardization

Basmala as an example, from Qur’ān manuscripts: (1) Early 9th century, script with no dots or diacritic marks;(2) and (3) 9th–10th century under Abbasid dynasty, fā’ and qāf; (4) 11th century, in evolution of early on Arabic script ( 9th–11th century ), with theas an exemplar, from kufic manuscripts : ( 1 ) early on 9th century, handwriting with no dots or diacritical mark marks ; ( 2 ) and ( 3 ) 9th–10th century under Abbasid dynasty, Abu al-Aswad ‘s arrangement established bolshevik dots with each arrangement or position indicating a unlike short vowel ; late, a second black-dot system was used to differentiate between letters likeand ; ( 4 ) 11th century, in al-Farāhidi ‘s system ( system used today ) dots were changed into shapes resembling the letters to transcribe the corresponding long vowels. Abu al-Aswad al-Du’ali ( c. 603–689 ) is credited with standardizing Arabic grammar, or an-naḥw ( النَّحو “ the way ” [ 32 ] ), and pioneering a system of diacritics to differentiate consonants ( نقط الإعجام nuqat l-i’jām “ pointing for non-Arabs ” ) and indicate utterance ( التشكيل at-tashkil ). [ 33 ] Al-Khalil ibn Ahmad al-Farahidi ( 718 – 786 ) compiled the inaugural Arabic dictionary, Kitāb al-‘Ayn ( كتاب العين “ The Book of the Letter ع “ ), and is credited with establishing the rules of Arabic prosody. [ 34 ] Al-Jahiz ( 776-868 ) proposed to Al-Akhfash al-Akbar an renovation of the grammar of Arabic, but it would not come to pass two centuries. [ 35 ] The standardization of Arabic reached completion around the end of the eighth hundred. The first comprehensive description of the ʿarabiyya “ Arabic ”, Sībawayhi ‘s al – Kitāb, is based first of all upon a corpus of poetic text, in summation to Qur’an use and Bedouin informants whom he considered to be dependable speakers of the ʿarabiyya. [ 36 ]

spread

Arabic spread with the dispersed of Islam. Following the early Muslim conquests, Arabic gained vocabulary from Middle Persian and Turkish. [ 27 ] In the early Abbasid period, many Classical Greek terms entered Arabic through translations carried out at Baghdad ‘s House of Wisdom. [ 27 ] By the eighth century, cognition of Classical Arabic had become an essential prerequisite for rising into the higher classes throughout the Islamic earth, both for Muslims and non-Muslims. For example, Maimonides, the Andalusi Jewish philosopher, authored works in Judeo-Arabic —Arabic written in Hebrew script —including his celebrated The Guide for the Perplexed ( دلالة الحائرين Dalālat al-ḥāʾirīn ). [ 37 ]

Development

Ibn Jinni of Mosul, a pioneer in phonology, wrote prolifically in the tenth hundred on Arabic morphology and phonology in works such as Kitāb Al-Munṣif, Kitāb Al-Muḥtasab, and Kitāb Al-Khaṣāʾiṣ [ are ]. [ 38 ] Ibn Mada ‘ of Cordoba ( 1116–1196 ) realized the renovation of Arabic grammar first proposed by Al-Jahiz 200 years prior. [ 35 ] The Maghrebi lexicographer Ibn Manzur compiled Lisān al-ʿArab [ argon ] ( لسان العرب, “ tongue of Arabs ” ), a major reference dictionary of Arabic, in 1290. [ 39 ]

Neo-Arabic

Charles Ferguson ‘s lingua franca theory ( Ferguson 1959 ) claims that the modern Arabic dialects jointly descend from a single military koine that sprang up during the Islamic conquests ; this view has been challenged in late times. Ahmad al-Jallad proposes that there were at least two well clear-cut types of Arabic on the eve of the conquests : Northern and Central ( Al-Jallad 2009 ). The modern dialects emerged from a new touch situation produced following the conquests. rather of the emergence of a unmarried or multiple koines, the dialects contain several aqueous layers of borrowed and areal features, which they absorbed at different points in their linguistic histories. [ 36 ] According to Veersteegh and Bickerton, colloquial Arabic dialects arose from pidginized Arabic formed from contact between Arabs and conquered peoples. Pidginization and subsequent creolization among Arabs and arabized peoples could explain proportional morphologic and phonological simplicity of vernacular Arabic compared to Classical and MSA. [ 40 ] [ 41 ] In around the 11th and 12th centuries in al-Andalus, the zajal and muwashah poetry forms developed in the dialectic Arabic of Cordoba and the Maghreb. [ 42 ]

Nahda

The Nahda was a cultural and particularly literary rebirth of the nineteenth century in which writers sought “ to fuse Arabic and european forms of expression. ” [ 45 ] According to James L. Gelvin, “ Nahda writers attempted to simplify the Arabic language and script so that it might be accessible to a broad audience. ” [ 45 ] In the wake up of the industrial rotation and european hegemony and colonialism, pioneering Arabic presses, such as the Amiri Press established by Muhammad Ali ( 1819 ), dramatically changed the diffusion and consumption of Arabic literature and publications. [ 46 ] Later on, a number of Arabic academies modeled after the Académie française were established with the calculate of developing standardized additions to the Arabic vocabulary to suit these transformations, [ 47 ] first in Damascus ( 1919 ), then in Cairo ( 1932 ), Baghdad ( 1948 ), Rabat ( 1960 ), Amman ( 1977 ), Khartum [ argon ] ( 1993 ), and Tunis ( 1993 ). [ 48 ] In 1997, a chest of drawers of Arabization standardization was added to the Educational, Cultural, and Scientific Organization of the Arab League. [ 48 ] These academies and organizations have worked toward the Arabization of the sciences, creating terms in Arabic to describe newly concepts, toward the calibration of these newly terms throughout the Arabic-speaking world, and toward the development of Arabic as a earth terminology. [ 48 ] This gave rise to what western scholars call Modern Standard Arabic. From the 1950s, Arabization became a postcolonial patriot policy in countries such as Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, [ 49 ] and Sudan. [ 50 ]

Classical, Modern Standard and spoken Arabic

ease up of the Arab League, used in some cases for the Arabic language Arabic normally refers to Standard Arabic, which western linguists divide into Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic. [ 51 ] It could besides refer to any of a variety of regional common Arabic dialects, which are not necessarily mutually apprehensible. classical Arabic is the linguistic process found in the Quran, used from the period of Pre-Islamic Arabia to that of the Abbasid Caliphate. Classical Arabic is prescriptive, according to the syntactic and grammatical norms laid down by classical grammarians ( such as Sibawayh ) and the vocabulary defined in classical music dictionaries ( such as the Lisān al-ʻArab ). modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ) largely follows the grammatical standards of Classical Arabic and uses much of the like vocabulary. however, it has discarded some grammatical constructions and vocabulary that no retentive have any counterpart in the talk varieties and has adopted certain new constructions and vocabulary from the speak varieties. much of the new vocabulary is used to denote concepts that have arisen in the industrial and post-industrial earned run average, specially in modern times. Due to its ground in Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic is removed over a millennium from casual actor’s line, which is construed as a battalion of dialects of this lyric. These dialects and Modern Standard Arabic are described by some scholars as not mutually comprehensible. The early are normally acquired in families, while the latter is taught in ball education settings. however, there have been studies reporting some academic degree of comprehension of stories told in the standard diverseness among preschool-aged children. [ 52 ] The relative between Modern Standard Arabic and these dialects is sometimes compared to that of Classical Latin and Vulgar Latin vernaculars ( which became Romance languages ) in medieval and early modern Europe. [ 53 ] This view though does not take into account the far-flung use of Modern Standard Arabic as a medium of audiovisual communication in nowadays ‘s mass media—a affair Latin has never performed. MSA is the kind used in most current, printed Arabic publications, spoken by some of the Arabic media across North Africa and the Middle East, and understood by most educated Arabic speakers. “ literary Arabic ” and “ Standard Arabic ” ( فُصْحَى fuṣḥá ) are less strictly defined terms that may refer to Modern Standard Arabic or Classical Arabic. Some of the differences between Classical Arabic ( CA ) and Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ) are as follows :

• Certain grammatical constructions of CA that have no counterpart in any modern vernacular dialect (e.g., the energetic mood) are almost never used in Modern Standard Arabic.
• Case distinctions are very rare in Arabic vernaculars. As a result, MSA is generally composed without case distinctions in mind, and the proper cases are added after the fact, when necessary. Because most case endings are noted using final short vowels, which are normally left unwritten in the Arabic script, it is unnecessary to determine the proper case of most words. The practical result of this is that MSA, like English and Standard Chinese, is written in a strongly determined word order and alternative orders that were used in CA for emphasis are rare. In addition, because of the lack of case marking in the spoken varieties, most speakers cannot consistently use the correct endings in extemporaneous speech. As a result, spoken MSA tends to drop or regularize the endings except when reading from a prepared text.
• The numeral system in CA is complex and heavily tied in with the case system. This system is never used in MSA, even in the most formal of circumstances; instead, a significantly simplified system is used, approximating the system of the conservative spoken varieties.

MSA uses much classical vocabulary ( for example, dhahaba ‘to go ‘ ) that is not salute in the address varieties, but deletes classical words that sound disused in MSA. In summation, MSA has borrowed or coined many terms for concepts that did not exist in Quranic times, and MSA continues to evolve. [ 54 ] Some words have been borrowed from other languages—notice that transliteration chiefly indicates spelling and not real pronunciation ( for example, فِلْم film ‘film ‘ or ديمقراطية dīmuqrāṭiyyah ‘democracy ‘ ). however, the current preference is to avoid direct borrowings, preferring to either use loan translations ( for example, فرع farʻ ‘branch ‘, besides used for the branch of a company or constitution ; جناح janāḥ ‘wing ‘, is besides used for the wing of an airplane, build, air military unit, etc. ), or to coin new words using forms within existing roots ( استماتة istimātah ‘ apoptosis ‘, using the solution موت m/w/t ‘death ‘ put into the Xth human body, or جامعة jāmiʻah ‘university ‘, based on جمع jamaʻa ‘to assemble, unite ‘ ; جمهورية jumhūriyyah ‘republic ‘, based on جمهور jumhūr ‘multitude ‘ ). An earlier tendency was to redefine an older parole although this has fallen into neglect ( for example, هاتف hātif ‘telephone ‘ < 'invisible caller ( in Sufism ) ' ; جريدة jarīdah ‘newspaper ‘ < 'palm-leaf stalk ' ). Colloquial or dialectal Arabic refers to the many national or regional varieties which constitute the casual talk language and evolved from Classical Arabic. Colloquial Arabic has many regional variants ; geographically aloof varieties normally differ enough to be mutually opaque, and some linguists consider them clear-cut languages. [ 55 ] however, inquiry indicates a high degree of common intelligibility between closely related Arabic variants for native speakers listening to words, sentences, and text ; and between more distantly refer dialects in interactional situations. [ 56 ] The varieties are typically ad-lib. They are often used in informal address media, such as soap operas and talk shows, [ 57 ] angstrom well as occasionally in certain forms of written media such as poetry and printed advertise. The only assortment of modern Arabic to have acquired official lyric status is Maltese, which is spoken in ( predominantly Catholic ) Malta and written with the Latin script. It is descended from classical Arabic through Siculo-Arabic, but is not mutually apprehensible with any early kind of Arabic. Most linguist number it as a separate terminology rather than as a dialect of Arabic. even during Muhammad ‘s life, there were dialects of address Arabic. Muhammad spoke in the dialect of Mecca, in the western Arabian peninsula, and it was in this dialect that the Quran was written down. however, the dialects of the eastern arab peninsula were considered the most esteemed at the time, so the speech of the Quran was ultimately converted to follow the easterly phonology. It is this phonology that underlies the modern pronunciation of Classical Arabic. The phonological differences between these two dialects account for some of the complexities of Arabic writing, most notably the publish of the glottal stop or hamzah ( which was preserved in the easterly dialects but lost in western address ) and the function of alif maqṣūrah ( representing a sound preserved in the western dialects but merged with ā in eastern language ). [ citation needed ]

terminology and dialect

The sociolinguistic position of Arabic in mod times provides a prime exemplar of the linguistic phenomenon of diglossia, which is the convention use of two branch varieties of the same terminology, normally in unlike sociable situations. Tawleed is the serve of giving a newfangled ghost of meaning to an old classical news. For case, al-hatif lexicographically, means the one whose sound is heard but whose person remains spiritual world. now the term al-hatif is used for a telephone. therefore, the process of tawleed can express the needs of advanced culture in a manner that would appear to be primitively Arabic. [ 58 ] In the case of Arabic, educated Arabs of any nationality can be assumed to speak both their school-taught Standard Arabic deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as their native dialects, which depending on the region may be mutually unintelligible. [ 59 ] [ 60 ] [ 61 ] [ 62 ] [ 63 ] Some of these dialects can be considered to constitute break languages which may have “ sub-dialects ” of their own. [ 64 ] When educated Arabs of different dialects engage in conversation ( for example, a moroccan speak with a lebanese ), many speakers code-switch back and forth between the dialectal and standard varieties of the language, sometimes flush within the same sentence. Arabic speakers much improve their familiarity with other dialects via music or film. The return of whether Arabic is one language or many languages is politically charged, in the lapp direction it is for the varieties of Chinese, Hindi and Urdu, Serbian and Croatian, Scots and English, etc. In contrast to speakers of Hindi and Urdu who claim they can not understand each other flush when they can, speakers of the varieties of Arabic will claim they can all understand each other evening when they can not. [ 65 ] While there is a minimal level of inclusion between all Arabic dialects, this tied can increase or decrease based on geographic proximity : for case, Levantine and Gulf speakers understand each other much better than they do speakers from the Maghreb. The issue of diglossia between spoken and written language is a significant complicate component : A single written form, significantly different from any of the address varieties learned natively, unites a number of sometimes divergent speak forms. For political reasons, Arabs largely assert that they all speak a single speech, despite significant issues of common incomprehensibility among differing spoken versions. [ 66 ] From a linguistic point of view, it is often said that the versatile spoken varieties of Arabic differ among each early jointly about vitamin a much as the Romance languages. [ 67 ] This is an apt comparison in a number of ways. The period of divergence from a single talk kind is similar—perhaps 1500 years for Arabic, 2000 years for the Romance languages. besides, while it is comprehensible to people from the Maghreb, a linguistically innovative variety show such as Moroccan Arabic is basically inexplicable to Arabs from the Mashriq, much as french is inexplicable to Spanish or italian speakers but relatively well learned by them. This suggests that the talk varieties may linguistically be considered separate languages .

influence of Arabic on other languages

The influence of Arabic has been most significant in muslim countries, because it is the language of the Islamic sacred reserve, the Quran. Arabic is besides an authoritative reference of vocabulary for languages such as Amharic, Azerbaijani, Baluchi, Bengali, Berber, Bosnian, Chaldean, Chechen, Chittagonian, Croatian, Dagestani, Dhivehi, English, German, Gujarati, Hausa, Hindi, Kazakh, Kurdish, Kutchi, Kyrgyz, Malay ( malaysian and indonesian ), Pashto, Persian, Punjabi, Rohingya, Romance languages ( french, Catalan, Italian, Portuguese, Sicilian, Spanish, etc. ) Saraiki, Sindhi, Somali, Sylheti, Swahili, Tagalog, Tigrinya, Turkish, Turkmen, Urdu, Uyghur, Uzbek, Visayan and Wolof, a well as other languages in countries where these languages are spoken. [ 68 ] Modern Hebrew has been besides influenced by Arabic particularly during the march of revival, as MSA was used as a source for modern Hebrew vocabulary and roots, [ 69 ] arsenic well as much of Modern Hebrew ‘s slang. [ 70 ] The Education Minister of France Jean-Michel Blanquer has emphasized the memorize and custom of Arabic in French schools. [ 71 ] [ 72 ] In addition, English has many Arabic loanwords, some directly, but most via other Mediterranean languages. Examples of such words include admiral, adobe, chemistry, alcohol, algebra, algorithm, alkaline, almanac, amber, arsenal, assassin, sugarcoat, carat, cipher, coffee, cotton, ghoul, gamble, jar, kismet, lemon, loofa, magazine, mattress, sherbert, sofa, sumac, duty, and zenith. [ 73 ] other languages such as maltese [ 74 ] and Kinubi derive ultimately from Arabic, preferably than merely borrowing vocabulary or grammatical rules. Terms borrowed range from religious terminology ( like Berber taẓallit, “ prayer ”, from salat ( صلاة ṣalāh ) ), academic terms ( like Uyghur mentiq, “ logic ” ), and economic items ( like English coffee ) to placeholders ( like Spanish fulano, “ rotter ” ), casual terms ( like Hindustani lekin, “ but ”, or spanish taza and french tasse, meaning “ cup ” ), and expressions ( like Catalan a betzef, “ galore, in quantity ” ). Most Berber varieties ( such as Kabyle ), along with Swahili, borrow some numbers from Arabic. Most muslim religious terms are address borrowings from Arabic, such as صلاة ( salat ), “ prayer ”, and إمام ( imam ), “ prayer drawing card. ” In languages not directly in liaison with the arabian populace, Arabic loanwords are often transferred indirectly via early languages quite than being transferred directly from Arabic. For example, most arabic loanwords in Hindustani and Turkish entered through Persian. Older Arabic loanwords in Hausa were borrowed from Kanuri. Most arabic loanwords in Yoruba entered through Hausa. [ citation needed ] Arabic words besides made their room into several west african languages as Islam ranch across the Sahara. Variants of Arabic words such as كتاب kitāb ( “ koran ” ) have spread to the languages of african groups who had no direct contact with arab traders. [ 75 ] Since, throughout the Islamic world, Arabic occupied a position similar to that of Latin in Europe, many of the Arabic concepts in the fields of science, doctrine, commerce, etc. were coined from Arabic roots by non-native Arabic speakers, notably by Aramaic and persian translators, and then found their manner into other languages. This serve of using Arabic roots, particularly in Kurdish and Persian, to translate extraneous concepts continued through to the 18th and 19th centuries, when swaths of Arab-inhabited lands were under Ottoman rule .

influence of other languages on Arabic

The most significant sources of borrowings into ( pre-Islamic ) Arabic are from the related ( Semitic ) languages Aramaic, [ 76 ] which used to be the principal, international speech of communication throughout the ancient Near and Middle East, and Ethiopic. In addition, many cultural, religious and political terms have entered Arabic from irani languages, notably Middle Persian, Parthian, and ( Classical ) Persian, [ 77 ] and Hellenistic Greek ( kīmiyāʼ has a origin the Greek khymia, intend in that terminology the thaw of metals ; see Roger Dachez, Histoire de la Médecine de l’Antiquité au XXe siècle, Tallandier, 2008, p. 251 ), alembic ( distiller ) from ambix ( cup ), almanac ( climate ) from almenichiakon ( calendar ). ( For the origin of the concluding three borrowed words, see Alfred-Louis de Prémare, Foundations of Islam, Seuil, L’Univers Historique, 2002. ) Some Arabic borrowings from Semitic or persian languages are, as presented in De Prémare ‘s above-cited book :

• madīnah/medina (مدينة, city or city square), a word of Aramaic origin (in which it means “a state”)
• jazīrah (جزيرة), as in the well-known form الجزيرة “Al-Jazeera,” means “island” and has its origin in the Syriac ܓܙܝܪܗ gazīra.
• lāzaward (لازورد) is taken from Persian لاژورد lājvard, the name of a blue stone, lapis lazuli. This word was borrowed in several European languages to mean (light) blue – azure in English, azur in French and azul in Portuguese and Spanish.

A comprehensive overview of the influence of early languages on Arabic is found in Lucas & Manfredi ( 2020 ). [ 68 ]

Arabic alphabet and patriotism

There have been many instances of national movements to convert Arabic script into Latin script or to Romanize the linguistic process. presently, the alone linguistic process derived from Classical Arabic to use Latin script is maltese .

Lebanon

The Beirut newspaper La Syrie pushed for the variety from Arabic handwriting to Latin letters in 1922. The major principal of this movement was Louis Massignon, a french Orientalist, who brought his business before the Arabic Language Academy in Damascus in 1928. Massignon ‘s try at Romanization failed as the Academy and population viewed the proposal as an try from the westerly populace to take over their state. Sa’id Afghani, a member of the Academy, mentioned that the apparent motion to Romanize the script was a zionist plan to dominate Lebanon. [ 78 ] [ 79 ] Said Akl created a Latin-based alphabet for lebanese and used it in a newspaper he founded, Lebnaan, arsenic well as in some books he wrote .

egypt

After the period of colonialism in Egypt, Egyptians were looking for a means to reclaim and re-emphasize egyptian culture. As a leave, some Egyptians pushed for an Egyptianization of the Arabic speech in which the formal Arabic and the colloquial Arabic would be combined into one language and the Latin alphabet would be used. [ 78 ] [ 79 ] There was besides the idea of finding a way to use Hieroglyphics rather of the Latin rudiment, but this was seen as besides complicated to use. [ 78 ] [ 79 ] A learner, Salama Musa agreed with the idea of applying a romance alphabet to Arabic, as he believed that would allow Egypt to have a closer relationship with the West. He besides believed that Latin handwriting was key to the success of Egypt as it would allow for more advances in science and technology. This change in alphabet, he believed, would solve the problems built-in with Arabic, such as a lack of written vowels and difficulties writing foreign words that made it unmanageable for non-native speakers to learn. [ 78 ] [ 79 ] Ahmad Lutfi As Sayid and Muhammad Azmi, two egyptian intellectuals, agreed with Musa and supported the push for Romanization. [ 78 ] [ 80 ] The theme that Romanization was necessary for modernization and emergence in Egypt continued with Abd Al-Aziz Fahmi in 1944. He was the chair for the Writing and Grammar Committee for the Arabic Language Academy of Cairo. [ 78 ] [ 80 ] however, this effort failed as the egyptian people felt a strong cultural tie to the Arabic rudiment. [ 78 ] [ 80 ] In especial, the older egyptian generations believed that the Arabic alphabet had hard connections to Arab values and history, ascribable to the long history of the Arabic rudiment ( Shrivtiel, 189 ) in Muslim societies .

The lyric of the Quran and its charm on poetry

The Quran introduced a new way of writing to the populace. People began studying and applying the unique styles they learned from the Quran to not only their own writing, but besides their culture. Writers studied the singular social organization and format of the Quran in order to identify and apply the figurative devices and their impact on the reviewer .

Quran ‘s figural devices

The Quran inspired musicality in poetry through the inner cycle of the verses. The agreement of words, how certain sounds create harmony, and the agreement of rhymes create the sense of rhythm method of birth control within each verse. At times, the chapters of the Quran only have the rhythm in coarse. [ 81 ] The repeat in the Quran introduced the genuine ability and shock repetition can have in poetry. The repetition of certain words and phrases made them appear more firm and explicit in the Quran. The Quran uses ceaseless metaphors of blindness and deafness to imply unbelief. Metaphors were not a fresh concept to poetry, however the lastingness of carry metaphors was. The denotative imagination in the Quran inspired many poets to include and focus on the feature in their own oeuvre. The poet ibn al-Mu’tazz wrote a book regarding the figures of lecture inspired by his study of the Quran. Poet Badr Shakir al-Sayyab expresses his political opinion in his sour through imagination inspired by the forms of more harsh imagination used in the Quran. [ 82 ] The Quran uses figural devices in order to express the meaning in the most beautiful form possible. The study of the pauses in the Quran deoxyadenosine monophosphate well as other rhetoric allow it to be approached in a multiple ways. [ 83 ]

structure

Although the Quran is known for its eloquence and harmony, the social organization can be well described as not constantly being inherently chronological, but can besides flow thematically rather ( the chapters in the Quran have segments that flow in chronological order, however segments can transition into other segments not related in chronology, but could be related in subject ). The calf, besides known as chapters of the Quran, are not placed in chronological decree. The entirely constant in their social organization is that the longest are placed beginning and shorter ones follow. The topics discussed in the chapters can besides have no send relative to each other ( as seen in many suras ) and can share in their sense of rhyme. The Quran introduces to poetry the idea of abandoning rate and scattering narratives throughout the text. Harmony is besides present in the sound of the Quran. The elongations and accents show in the Quran create a harmonious flow within the write. Unique legal of the Quran recited, due to the accents, create a deeper level of understanding through a deeper aroused connection. [ 82 ] The Quran is written in a lyric that is simple and apprehensible by people. The simplicity of the writing inspired late poets to write in a more clear and clear-cut expressive style. [ 82 ] The words of the Quran, although unchanged, are to this sidereal day apprehensible and frequently used in both ball and cozy Arabic. The simplicity of the language makes memorizing and reciting the Quran a slightly easier job .

culture and the Quran

The writer al-Khattabi explains how culture is a command chemical element to create a sense of art in cultivate angstrom well as sympathize it. He believes that the fluency and harmony which the Quran own are not the only elements that make it beautiful and create a adhesiveness between the proofreader and the textbook. While a lot of poetry was deemed comparable to the Quran in that it is peer to or better than the composition of the Quran, a debate rose that such statements are not possible because humans are incapable of composing cultivate comparable to the Quran. [ 83 ] Because the social organization of the Quran made it unmanageable for a clear timeline to be seen, Hadith were the main source of chronological order. The Hadith were passed down from generation to generation and this tradition became a big resource for understanding the context. poetry after the Quran began possessing this component of custom by including ambiguity and background information to be required to understand the meaning. [ 81 ] After the Quran came toss off to the people, the tradition of memorizing the verses became give. It is believed that the greater the come of the Quran memorized, the greater the faith. As technology improved over meter, hearing recitations of the Quran became more available a well as more tools to help memorize the verses. The custom of Love Poetry served as a symbolic representation of a Muslim ‘s desire for a closer contact with their Lord. While the influence of the Quran on Arabic poetry is explained and defended by numerous writers, some writers such as Al-Baqillani believe that poetry and the Quran are in no conceivable way related due to the singularity of the Quran. Poetry ‘s imperfections prove his points that they can not be compared with the fluency the Quran holds .

Arabic and Islam

classical music Arabic is the speech of poetry and literature ( including news ) ; it is besides chiefly the terminology of the Quran. Classical Arabic is close associated with the religion of Islam because the Quran was written in it. Most of the earth ‘s Muslims do not speak classical Arabic as their native speech, but many can read the Quranic script and recite the Quran. Among non-Arab Muslims, translations of the Quran are most frequently accompanied by the original textbook. At present, Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ) is besides used in modernized versions of literary forms of the Quran. Some Muslims present a monogenesis of languages and claim that the Arabic speech was the speech revealed by God for the benefit of world and the original language as a prototype arrangement of symbolic communication, based upon its system of triconsonantal roots, spoken by man from which all other languages were derived, having first base been corrupted. [ 84 ] Judaism has a alike report with the Tower of Babel .

Dialects and descendants

different dialects of Arabic Colloquial Arabic is a collective term for the speak dialects of Arabic used throughout the arabian world, which differ radically from the literary language. The main dialectal division is between the varieties within and outside of the Arabian peninsula, followed by that between sedentary varieties and the a lot more conservative Bedouin varieties. All the varieties outside of the arab peninsula ( which include the large majority of speakers ) have many features in common with each early that are not found in Classical Arabic. This has led researchers to postulate the being of a prestige lingua franca dialect in the one or two centuries immediately following the arabian conquest, whose features finally spread to all newly conquered areas. These features are present to varying degrees inside the arab peninsula. by and large, the Arabian peninsula varieties have a lot more diversity than the non-peninsula varieties, but these have been understudied. Within the non-peninsula varieties, the largest difference is between the non-Egyptian north african dialects ( particularly Moroccan Arabic ) and the others. moroccan Arabic in particular is barely comprehensible to Arabic speakers east of Libya ( although the converse is not truthful, in part due to the popularity of egyptian films and other media ). One factor in the specialization of the dialects is influence from the languages previously spoken in the areas, which have typically provided a significant count of new words and have sometimes besides determine pronunciation or discussion decree ; however, a much more significant factor for most dialects is, as among Romance languages, retention ( or change of meaning ) of different classical music forms. frankincense Iraqi aku, Levantine fīh and North African kayən all mean ‘there is ‘, and all come from Classical Arabic forms ( yakūn, fīhi, kā’in respectively ), but now phone identical different .

Examples

arrangement is a broad IPA transcription, then minor differences were ignored for easier comparison. besides, the pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic differs significantly from region to region .

Variety	I love reading a lot	When I went to the library	I didn’t find this old book	I wanted to read a book about the history of women in France
Standard Arabic in non-vocalized script (common spelling)	أحب القراءة كثيرا‎	عندما ذهبت إلى المكتبة‎	لم أجد هذا الكتاب القديم‎	كنت أريد أن أقرأ كتابا عن تاريخ المرأة في فرنسا‎
Standard Arabic in vocalized script (with all diacritics)	أُحِبُّ ٱلْقِرَاءَةَ كَثِيرًا‎	عِنْدَمَا ذَهَبْتُ إِلَى ٱلْمَكْتَبَةِ‎	لَمْ أَجِد هٰذَا ٱلْكِتَابَ ٱلْقَدِيمَ‎	كُنْتُ أُرِيدُ أَنْ أَقْرَأَ كِتَابًا عَنْ تَارِيخِ ٱلْمَرْأَةِ فِي فَرَنْسَا‎
Classical Arabic (liturgical or poetic only)	ʔuħibːu‿lqirˤaːʔata kaθiːrˤaː	ʕĩndamaː ðahabᵊtu ʔila‿lmaktabah	lam ʔaɟidᵊ haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm	kũntu ʔuriːdu ʔan ʔaqᵊrˤaʔa kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarˤʔati fiː farˤãnsaː
Modern Standard Arabic	ʔuħibːu‿lqiraːʔa kaθiːran	ʕindamaː ðahabt ʔila‿lmaktaba	lam ʔad͡ʒid haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm	kunt ʔuriːd ʔan ʔaqraʔ kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarʔa fiː faransaː
Yemeni Arabic (Sanaa)	ana bajn aħibː ilgiraːji(h) gawi	law ma sirt saˈla‿lmaktabih	ma lige:tʃ ðajji‿lkitaːb ilgadiːm	kunt aʃti ʔagra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmari(h) wastˤ faraːnsa
Jordanian Arabic (Amman)	ana baħib ligraːje kθiːr	lamːa ruħt ʕalmaktabe	ma lageːtʃ haliktaːb ilgadiːm	kaːn bidːi ʔaqra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa
Gulf Arabic (Kuwait)	aːna waːjid aħibː aɡra	lamːan riħt ilmaktaba	maː liɡeːt halkitaːb ilgadiːm	kint abi‿(j)aɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilħariːm‿(i)bfaransa
Gələt Mesopotamian (Baghdad)	aːni‿(j)aħub luqraːja kulːiʃ	lamːan riħit lilmaktabˤɛː	maː liɡeːt haːða liktaːb ilgadiːm	ridit aqra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx inːiswaːn‿(u)bfransɛː
Hejazi Arabic (Medina)	ana marːa ʔaħubː alɡiraːja	lamːa ruħt almaktaba	ma liɡiːt haːda lkitaːb alɡadiːm	kunt abɣa ʔaɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx alħariːm fi faransa
Western Syrian Arabic (Damascus)	ana ktiːr bħəb ləʔraːje	lamːa rəħt ʕalmaktabe	ma laʔeːt haləktaːb əlʔadiːm	kaːn badːi ʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx əlmara bfraːnsa
Lebanese Arabic (Beirut?)	ana ktiːr bħib liʔreːji	lamːa riħit ʕalmaktabi	ma lʔeːt halikteːb liʔdiːm	keːn badːi ʔra kteːb ʕan teːriːx ilmara bfraːnsa
Urban Palestinian (Jerusalem)	ana baħib liʔraːje ktiːr	lamːa ruħt ʕalmaktabe	ma laʔeːtʃ haliktaːb ilʔadiːm	kaːn bidːi ʔaʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa
Rural Palestinian (West Bank)	ana baħib likraːje kθiːr	lamːa ruħt ʕalmatʃtabe	ma lakeːtʃ halitʃtaːb ilkadiːm	kaːn bidːi ʔakra tʃtaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa
Egyptian (metropolitan)	ana baħebː elʔeraːja ʔawi	lamːa roħt elmakˈtaba	malʔetʃ elketaːb elʔadim da	ana kont(e)‿ʕawz‿aʔra ktab ʕan tariːx esːetˈtat fe faransa
Libyan Arabic (Tripoli?)	ana nħəb il-ɡraːja halba	lamma mʃeːt lil-maktba	malɡeːtiʃ ha-li-ktaːb lə-ɡdiːm	kunt nibi naɡra ktaːb ʔleː tariːx ə-nsawiːn fi fraːnsa
Tunisian (Tunis)	nħib liqraːja barʃa	waqtilli mʃiːt lilmaktba	mal-qiːtʃ ha-likteːb liqdiːm	kʊnt nħib naqra kteːb ʕla terix limra fi fraːnsa
Algerian (Algiers?)	āna nħəbb nəqṛa bezzaf	ki ruħt l-əl-măktaba	ma-lqīt-ʃ hād lə-ktāb lə-qdīm	kŭnt ħābb nəqṛa ktāb ʕla tārīx lə-mṛa fi fṛānsa
Moroccan (Rabat?)	ana ʕziz ʕlija bzzaf nqra	melli mʃit l-lmaktaba	ma-lqiːt-ʃ had l-ktab l-qdim	kent baɣi nqra ktab ʕla tarix l-mra f-fransa
Maltese (Valletta) (in Maltese orthography)	Inħobb naqra ħafna.	Meta mort il-librerija	Ma sibtx dan il-ktieb qadim.	Ridt naqra ktieb dwar l-istorja tal-mara fi Franza.

Koiné

According to Charles A. Ferguson, [ 85 ] the follow are some of the characteristic features of the koiné that underlies all the advanced dialects outside the arabian peninsula. Although many other features are coarse to most or all of these varieties, Ferguson believes that these features in especial are improbable to have evolved independently more than once or doubly and together suggest the being of the koine :

• Loss of the dual number except on nouns, with consistent plural agreement (cf. feminine singular agreement in plural inanimates).
• Change of a to i in many affixes (e.g., non-past-tense prefixes ti- yi- ni-; wi- ‘and’; il- ‘the’; feminine -it in the construct state).
• Loss of third-weak verbs ending in w (which merge with verbs ending in y).
• Reformation of geminate verbs, e.g., ḥalaltu ‘I untied’ → ḥalēt(u).
• Conversion of separate words lī ‘to me’, laka ‘to you’, etc. into indirect-object clitic suffixes.
• Certain changes in the cardinal number system, e.g., khamsat ayyām ‘five days’ → kham(a)s tiyyām, where certain words have a special plural with prefixed t.
• Loss of the feminine elative (comparative).
• Adjective plurals of the form kibār ‘big’ → kubār.
• Change of nisba suffix -iyy > i.
• Certain lexical items, e.g., jāb ‘bring’ < jāʼa bi- ‘come with’; shāf ‘see’; ēsh ‘what’ (or similar) < ayyu shayʼ ‘which thing’; illi (relative pronoun).
• Merger of /ɮˤ/ and /ðˤ/.

dialect groups

phonology

history

Of the 29 Proto-Semitic consonants, only one has been lost : */ʃ/, which merged with /s/, while /ɬ/ became /ʃ/ ( see Semitic languages ). [ 98 ] Various early consonants have changed their sound excessively, but have remained clear-cut. An original */p/ lenited to /f/, and */ɡ/ – systematically attested in pre-Islamic greek transcription of Arabic languages [ 99 ] – became palatalized to /ɡʲ/ or /ɟ/ by the meter of the Quran and / d͡ʒ /, / ɡ /, / ʒ / or /ɟ/ after early Muslim conquests and in MSA ( see Arabic phonology # local variations for more detail ). [ 100 ] An original unvoiced alveolar consonant lateral pass fricative consonant */ɬ/ became /ʃ/. [ 101 ] Its emphatic counterpart /ɬˠ~ɮˤ/ was considered by Arabs to be the most strange audio in Arabic ( Hence the Classical Arabic ‘s appellation لُغَةُ ٱلضَّادِ lughat al-ḍād or “ language of the ḍād “ ) ; for most modern dialects, it has become an emphatic blockage /dˤ/ with loss of the laterality [ 101 ] or with complete loss of any pharyngealization or velarization, /d/. ( The classical music ḍād pronunciation of pharyngealization /ɮˤ/ still occurs in the Mehri lyric, and the similar sound without velarization, / ɮ /, exists in other Modern South arab languages. ) early changes may besides have happened. classical Arabic pronunciation is not thoroughly recorded and unlike reconstructions of the sound system of Proto-Semitic nominate different phonetic values. One exercise is the emphatic consonants, which are pharyngealized in modern pronunciations but may have been velarized in the one-eighth century and glottalized in Proto-Semitic. [ 101 ] decrease of /j/ and /w/ between vowels occurs in a number of circumstances and is creditworthy for much of the complexity of third-weak ( “ defective ” ) verbs. early akkadian transcriptions of Arabic names shows that this reduction had not yet occurred as of the early contribution of the 1st millennium BC. The Classical Arabic linguistic process a recorded was a poetic lingua franca that reflected a consciously archaizing dialect, chosen based on the kin of the western part of the Arabian Peninsula, who spoke the most button-down variants of Arabic. even at the time of Muhammed and before, early dialects existed with many more changes, including the loss of most glottal stops, the loss of font endings, the reduction of the diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ into monophthongs /eː, oː/, etc. Most of these changes are give in most or all modern varieties of Arabic. An interest feature of the writing system of the Quran ( and therefore of Classical Arabic ) is that it contains certain features of Muhammad ‘s native dialect of Mecca, corrected through diacritics into the forms of standard Classical Arabic. Among these features visible under the corrections are the loss of the glottal catch and a differing exploitation of the reduction of certain final examination sequences containing /j/ : obviously, final examination /-awa/ became /aː/ as in the classical terminology, but final /-aja/ became a different legal, possibly /eː/ ( rather than again /aː/ in the Classical language ). This is the apparent reservoir of the alif maqṣūrah ‘restricted alif ‘ where a final examination /-aja/ is reconstructed : a letter that would normally indicate /j/ or some like high-vowel sound, but is taken in this context to be a logical variant of alif and represent the good /aː/. Although Classical Arabic was a one terminology and is nowadays used in Quran, its pronunciation varies reasonably from country to country and from region to area within a nation. It is influenced by colloquial dialects .

literary Arabic

The “ colloquial ” address dialects of Arabic are learned at dwelling and constitute the native languages of Arabic speakers. “ formal ” Modern Standard Arabic is learned at school ; although many speakers have a native-like command of the language, it is technically not the native lyric of any speakers. Both varieties can be both written and spoken, although the colloquial varieties are rarely written down and the formal variety is spoken by and large in formal circumstances, for example, in radio and television receiver broadcasts, formal lectures, parliamentary discussions and to some extent between speakers of different colloquial dialects. even when the literary linguistic process is spoken, however, it is normally only spoken in its saturated shape when reading a fix text out forte and communication between speakers of different colloquial dialects. When speaking extemporaneously ( i.e. making up the language on the spot, as in a normal discussion among people ), speakers tend to deviate slightly from the hard-and-fast literary speech in the direction of the colloquial varieties. In fact, there is a continuous range of “ in-between ” talk varieties : from about pure Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ), to a form that still uses MSA grammar and vocabulary but with meaning colloquial influence, to a shape of the colloquial language that imports a number of words and grammatical constructions in MSA, to a form that is close up to pure colloquial but with the “ rough edges ” ( the most perceptibly “ common ” or non-Classical aspects ) smoothed out, to pure colloquial. The finical form ( or register ) used depends on the social class and education level of the speakers involved and the level of formality of the actor’s line situation. Often it will vary within a single meet, for example, moving from closely pure MSA to a more blend linguistic process in the process of a radio interview, as the interviewee becomes more comfortable with the interviewer. This character of version is characteristic of the diglossia that exists throughout the Arabic-speaking earth. Although Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA ) is a one linguistic process, its pronunciation varies reasonably from country to state and from region to region within a area. The variation in individual “ accents ” of MSA speakers tends to mirror corresponding variations in the colloquial speech of the speakers in question, but with the distinguishing characteristics moderated reasonably. It is crucial in descriptions of “ Arabic ” phonology to distinguish between pronunciation of a given colloquial ( spoken ) dialect and the pronunciation of MSA by these lapp speakers. Although they are related, they are not the lapp. For case, the phoneme that derives from Classical Arabic /ɟ/ has many different pronunciations in the modern talk varieties, for example, [ d͡ʒ ~ ʒ ~ joule ~ ɡʲ ~ ɡ ] including the proposed original [ ɟ ]. Speakers whose native variety has either [ d͡ʒ ] or [ ʒ ] will use the lapp pronunciation when speaking MSA. even speakers from Cairo, whose native egyptian Arabic has [ ɡ ], normally use [ ɡ ] when speaking MSA. The [ j ] of Persian Gulf speakers is the alone random variable pronunciation which is n’t found in MSA ; [ d͡ʒ~ʒ ] is used alternatively, but may use [ joule ] in MSA for comfortable pronunciation. Another reason of different pronunciations is influence of colloquial dialects. The differentiation of pronunciation of colloquial dialects is the influence from other languages previously spoken and some inactive presently spoken in the regions, such as Coptic in Egypt, Berber, Punic, or Phoenician in North Africa, Himyaritic, Modern South Arabian, and Old South Arabian in Yemen and Oman, and Aramaic and Canaanite languages ( including Phoenician ) in the Levant and Mesopotamia. Another model : many colloquial varieties are known for a character of vowel harmony in which the presence of an “ emphatic consonant ” triggers backed allophones of nearby vowels ( specially of the low vowels /aː/, which are backed to [ ɑ ( ː ) ] in these circumstances and very frequently fronted to [ æ ( ː ) ] in all other circumstances ). In many speak varieties, the back or “ emphatic ” vowel allophones spread a bazaar distance in both directions from the triggering consonant ; in some varieties ( most notably egyptian Arabic ), the “ emphatic ” allophones spread throughout the entire bible, normally including prefixes and suffixes, even at a distance of respective syllables from the triggering consonant. Speakers of colloquial varieties with this vowel harmony tend to introduce it into their MSA pronunciation angstrom well, but normally with a lesser degree of spreading than in the colloquial varieties. ( For exemplar, speakers of colloquial varieties with extremely long-distance harmony may allow a moderate, but not extreme, measure of spread of the consonant allophones in their MSA actor’s line, while speakers of colloquial varieties with moderate-distance harmony may lone harmonize immediately adjacent vowels in MSA. )

Vowels

mod Standard Arabic has six pure vowels ( while most modern dialects have eight pure vowels which includes the long vowels /eː oː/ ), with short /a one u/ and corresponding long vowels /aː iː uː/. There are besides two diphthongs : /aj/ and /aw/. The pronunciation of the vowels differs from speaker to loudspeaker, in a means that tends to reflect the pronunciation of the corresponding colloquial assortment. however, there are some common trends. Most obtrusive is the differing pronunciation of /a/ and /aː/, which tend towards fronted [ æ ( ː ) ], [ a ( ː ) ] or [ ɛ ( ː ) ] in most situations, but a back [ ɑ ( ː ) ] in the region of emphatic consonants. Some accents and dialects, such as those of the Hejaz area, have an overt [ a ( ː ) ] or a cardinal [ ä ( ː ) ] in all situations. The vowel /a/ varies towards [ ə ( ː ) ] excessively. Listen to the final vowel in the record of al-ʻarabiyyah at the beginning of this article, for exercise. The charge is, Arabic has alone three curtly vowel phonemes, so those phonemes can have a very across-the-board range of allophones. The vowels /u/ and /ɪ/ are often involve reasonably in emphatic neighborhoods deoxyadenosine monophosphate well, with by and large more back or centralized allophones, but the differences are less great than for the low vowels. The pronunciation of curtly /u/ and /i/ tends towards [ ʊ~o ] and [ i~e~ɨ ], respectively, in many dialects. The definition of both “ emphatic ” and “ neighborhood ” vary in ways that reflect ( to some extent ) corresponding variations in the talk dialects. broadly, the consonants triggering “ emphatic ” allophones are the pharyngealized consonants /tˤ dˤ sˤ ðˤ/ ; / q / ; and / r /, if not followed immediately by /i ( ː ) /. frequently, the velar fricatives /x ɣ/ besides trigger emphatic allophones ; occasionally besides the guttural consonants /ʕ ħ/ ( the former more than the latter ). many dialects have multiple emphatic allophones of each vowel, depending on the particular nearby consonants. In most MSA accents, emphatic color of vowels is limit to vowels immediately adjacent to a triggering consonant, although in some it spreads a bite farther : for example, وقت waqt [ wɑqt ] ‘time ‘ ; وطن waṭan [ wɑtˤɑn ] ‘homeland ‘ ; وسط المدينة wasṭ al-madīnah [ wæstˤ ɑl mædiːnɐ ] ‘downtown ‘ ( sometimes [ wɑstˤ ɑl mædiːnæ ] or similar ). In a non-emphatic environment, the vowel /a/ in the diphthong /aj/ tends to be fronted flush more than elsewhere, frequently pronounced [ æj ] or [ ɛj ] : hence سيف sayf [ sajf ~ sæjf ~ sɛjf ] ‘sword ‘ but صيف ṣayf [ sˤɑjf ] ‘summer ‘. however, in accents with no emphatic allophones of /a/ ( for example, in the Hejaz ), the pronunciation [ aj ] or [ äj ] occurs in all situations .

Consonants

Consonant phonemes of Modern Standard Arabic

		Labial	Dental	Denti-alveolar		Post-alv./ Palatal	Velar	Uvular	Pharyngeal	Glottal
				plain	emphatic
Nasal		m		n
Stop	voiceless			t	tˤ		k	q		ʔ
	voiced	b		d	dˤ	d͡ʒ
Fricative	voiceless	f	θ	s	sˤ	ʃ	xχ		ħ
	voiced		ð	z	ðˤ		ɣʁ		ʕ	ɦ
Trill				r
Approximant				l	(ɫ	j	w

The phoneme /d͡ʒ/ is represented by the Arabic letter jīm ( ج ) and has many standard pronunciations. [ d͡ʒ ] is characteristic of union Algeria, Iraq, and most of the arabian peninsula but with an allophonic [ ʒ ] in some positions ; [ ʒ ] occurs in most of the Levant and most of North Africa ; and [ ɡ ] is used in most of Egypt and some regions in Yemen and Oman. by and large this corresponds with the pronunciation in the colloquial dialects. [ 102 ] In some regions in Sudan and Yemen, a well as in some sudanese and Yemeni dialects, it may be either [ ɡʲ ] or [ ɟ ], representing the original pronunciation of Classical Arabic. Foreign words containing / ɡ / may be transcribed with ج, غ, ك, ق, گ, ݣ ‎ or ڨ‎, chiefly depending on the regional speak variety of Arabic or the normally diacriticized Arabic letter. In northerly Egypt, where the Arabic letter jīm ( ج ) is normally pronounce [ ɡ ], a separate phoneme / ʒ /, which may be transcribed with چ, occurs in a small number of largely non-Arabic loanwords, for example, /ʒakitta/ ‘jacket ‘. /θ/ ( ث ) can be pronounced as [ south ]. In some places of Maghreb it can be besides pronounced as [ t͡s ]. /x/ and /ɣ/ ( خ, ‎ غ ) are velar, post-velar, or uvular. [ 103 ] In many varieties, /ħ, ʕ/ ( ح, ‎ ع ) are epiglottal [ ʜ, ʢ ] in western Asia. /l/ is pronounced as velarized [ ɫ ] in الله /ʔallaːh/, the name of God, q.e. Allah, when the word follows a, ā, u or ū ( after i or ī it is unvelarized : بسم الله bismi l–lāh /bismillaːh/ ). Some speakers velarize other occurrences of /l/ in MSA, in imitation of their address dialects. The emphatic accordant /dˤ/ was actually pronounced [ ɮˤ ], or possibly [ d͡ɮˤ ] [ 104 ] —either way, a highly unusual legal. The medieval Arabs actually termed their speech lughat al-ḍād ‘the language of the Ḍād ‘ ( the name of the letter used for this sound ), since they thought the sound was alone to their language. ( In fact, it besides exists in a few early minority Semitic languages, for example, Mehri. ) Arabic has consonants traditionally termed “ emphatic ” /tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ/ ( ط, ‎ ض, ‎ ص, ‎ ظ ), which exhibit coincident pharyngealization [ tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ ] adenine well as varying degrees of velarization [ tˠ, dˠ, sˠ, ðˠ ] ( depending on the region ), so they may be written with the “ Velarized or pharyngealized ” diacritical mark ( ̴ ) as : /t̴, d̴, s̴, ð̴/. This coincident joint is described as “ Retracted Tongue Root ” by phonologists. [ 105 ] In some transcription systems, emphasis is shown by capitalizing the letter, for case, /dˤ/ is written ⟨D⟩ ; in others the letter is underlined or has a dot below it, for example, ⟨ ḍ ⟩.

Vowels and consonants can be phonologically shortstop or long. Long ( reduplicate ) consonants are normally written doubled in Latin recording ( i.e. bb, doctor of divinity, etc. ), reflecting the presence of the Arabic diacritical mark sign shaddah, which indicates doubled consonants. In actual pronunciation, doubled consonants are held doubly ampere long as short consonants. This consonant lengthen is phonemically contrastive : قبل qabila ‘he accepted ‘ vs. قبّل qabbala ‘he kissed ‘ .

syllable structure

Arabic has two kinds of syllables : open syllables ( CV ) and ( CVV ) —and closed syllables ( CVC ), ( CVVC ) and ( CVCC ). The syllable types with two morae ( units of time ), i.e. CVC and CVV, are termed heavy syllables, while those with three morae, i.e. CVVC and CVCC, are superheavy syllables. Superheavy syllables in Classical Arabic happen in entirely two places : at the end of the conviction ( due to pausal pronunciation ) and in words such as حارّ ḥārr ‘hot ‘, مادّة māddah ‘stuff, message ‘, تحاجوا taḥājjū ‘they disputed with each other ‘, where a retentive ā occurs before two identical consonants ( a former curtly vowel between the consonants has been lost ). ( In less ball pronunciations of Modern Standard Arabic, superheavy syllables are coarse at the end of words or before clitic suffixes such as -nā ‘us, our ‘, ascribable to the deletion of final examination short vowels. ) In surface pronunciation, every vowel must be preceded by a consonant ( which may include the glottal hold on [ ʔ ] ). There are no cases of foramen within a word ( where two vowels occur adjacent to each early, without an intervene accordant ). Some words do have an underlie vowel at the begin, such as the definite article al- or words such as اشترا ishtarā ‘he bought ‘, اجتماع ijtimāʻ ‘meeting ‘. When actually pronounced, one of three things happens :

• If the word occurs after another word ending in a consonant, there is a smooth transition from final consonant to initial vowel, e.g., الاجتماع al-ijtimāʻ ‘meeting’ /alid͡ʒtimaːʕ/.
• If the word occurs after another word ending in a vowel, the initial vowel of the word is elided, e.g., بيت المدير baytu (a)l-mudīr ‘house of the director’ /bajtulmudiːr/.
• If the word occurs at the beginning of an utterance, a glottal stop [ ʔ ] is added onto the beginning, e.g., البيت هو al-baytu huwa … ‘The house is …’ /ʔalbajtuhuwa … /.

stress

Word tension is not phonemically contrastive in Standard Arabic. It bears a strong relationship to vowel length. The basic rules for Modern Standard Arabic are :

• A final vowel, long or short, may not be stressed.
• Only one of the last three syllables may be stressed.
• Given this restriction, the last heavy syllable (containing a long vowel or ending in a consonant) is stressed, if it is not the final syllable.
• If the final syllable is super heavy and closed (of the form CVVC or CVCC) it receives stress.
• If no syllable is heavy or super heavy, the first possible syllable (i.e. third from end) is stressed.
• As a special exception, in Form VII and VIII verb forms stress may not be on the first syllable, despite the above rules: Hence inkatab(a) ‘he subscribed’ (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), yankatib(u) ‘he subscribes’ (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), yankatib ‘he should subscribe (juss.)’. Likewise Form VIII ishtarā ‘he bought’, yashtarī ‘he buys’.

Examples : kitāb(un) ‘book ‘, kā-ti-b(un) ‘writer ‘, mak-ta-b(un) ‘desk ‘, ma-kā-ti-b(u) ‘desks ‘, mak-ta-ba-tun ‘library ‘ ( but mak-ta-ba(-tun) ‘library ‘ in inadequate pronunciation ), ka-ta-bū ( modern Standard Arabic ) ‘they wrote ‘ = ka-ta-bu ( dialect ), ka-ta-bū-h(u) ( modern Standard Arabic ) ‘they wrote it ‘ = ka-ta-bū ( dialect ), ka-ta-ba-tā ( modern Standard Arabic ) ‘they ( dual, fem ) wrote ‘, ka-tab-tu ( modern Standard Arabic ) ‘I wrote ‘ = ka-tabt ( short form or dialect ). Doubled consonants count as two consonants : ma-jal-la-(tan) ‘magazine ‘, ma-ḥall(-un) “ identify ”. These rules may result in differently stressed syllables when concluding lawsuit endings are pronounced, vs. the normal situation where they are not pronounced, as in the above model of mak-ta-ba-tun ‘library ‘ in full pronunciation, but mak-ta-ba(-tun) ‘library ‘ in short pronunciation. The limitation on final long vowels does not apply to the address dialects, where original final retentive vowels have been shortened and secondary concluding long vowels have arisen from loss of original final -hu/hi. Some dialects have different stress rules. In the Cairo ( egyptian Arabic ) dialect a heavy syllable may not carry stress more than two syllables from the conclusion of a son, hence mad-ra-sah ‘school ‘, qā-hi-rah ‘Cairo ‘. This besides affects the way that Modern Standard Arabic is pronounced in Egypt. In the Arabic of Sanaa, stress is much retracted : bay-tayn ‘two houses ‘, mā-sat-hum ‘their mesa ‘, ma-kā-tīb ‘desks ‘, zā-rat-ḥīn ‘sometimes ‘, mad-ra-sat-hum ‘their school ‘. ( In this dialect, merely syllables with long vowels or diphthongs are considered heavy ; in a two-syllable news, the final examination syllable can be stressed only if the preceding syllable is alight ; and in longer words, the final syllable can not be stressed. )

Levels of pronunciation

The final short vowels ( for example, the case endings -a -i -u and climate endings -u -a ) are often not pronounced in this terminology, despite forming function of the dinner dress prototype of nouns and verbs. The follow levels of pronunciation exist :

Full pronunciation with pausa

This is the most conventional level actually used in actor’s line. All endings are pronounced as written, except at the end of an utterance, where the pursue changes occur :

• Final short vowels are not pronounced. (But possibly an exception is made for feminine plural -na and shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., irmi! ‘throw!'”.)
• The entire indefinite noun endings -in and -un (with nunation) are left off. The ending -an is left off of nouns preceded by a tāʾ marbūṭah ة (i.e. the -t in the ending -at- that typically marks feminine nouns), but pronounced as -ā in other nouns (hence its writing in this fashion in the Arabic script).
• The tāʼ marbūṭah itself (typically of feminine nouns) is pronounced as h. (At least, this is the case in extremely formal pronunciation, e.g., some Quranic recitations. In practice, this h is usually omitted.)

Formal short pronunciation

This is a formal degree of pronunciation sometimes seen. It is slightly like pronouncing all words as if they were in pausal placement ( with influence from the colloquial varieties ). The follow changes occur :

• Most final short vowels are not pronounced. However, the following short vowels are pronounced:
  • feminine plural -na
  • shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., irmi! ‘throw!’
  • second-person singular feminine past-tense -ti and likewise anti ‘you (fem. sg.)’
  • sometimes, first-person singular past-tense -tu
  • sometimes, second-person masculine past-tense -ta and likewise anta ‘you (masc. sg.)’
  • final -a in certain short words, e.g., laysa ‘is not’, sawfa (future-tense marker)
• The nunation endings -an -in -un are not pronounced. However, they are pronounced in adverbial accusative formations, e.g., taqrīban تَقْرِيبًا ‘almost, approximately’, ʻādatan عَادَةً ‘usually’.
• The tāʾ marbūṭah ending ة is unpronounced, except in construct state nouns, where it sounds as t (and in adverbial accusative constructions, e.g., ʻādatan عَادَةً ‘usually’, where the entire -tan is pronounced).
• The masculine singular nisbah ending -iyy is actually pronounced -ī and is unstressed (but plural and feminine singular forms, i.e. when followed by a suffix, still sound as -iyy-).
• Full endings (including case endings) occur when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., -nā ‘us/our’).

Informal short pronunciation

This is the pronunciation used by speakers of Modern Standard Arabic in ad-lib actor’s line, i.e. when producing new sentences quite than just reading a train text. It is similar to formal curtly pronunciation except that the rules for dropping final examination vowels apply even when a clitic suffix is added. Basically, short-vowel case and mood endings are never pronounced and certain other changes occur that echo the corresponding colloquial pronunciations. specifically :

• All the rules for formal short pronunciation apply, except as follows.
• The past tense singular endings written formally as -tu -ta -ti are pronounced -t -t -ti. But masculine ʾanta is pronounced in full.
• Unlike in formal short pronunciation, the rules for dropping or modifying final endings are also applied when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., -nā ‘us/our’). If this produces a sequence of three consonants, then one of the following happens, depending on the speaker’s native colloquial variety:
  • A short vowel (e.g., -i- or -ǝ-) is consistently added, either between the second and third or the first and second consonants.
  • Or, a short vowel is added only if an otherwise unpronounceable sequence occurs, typically due to a violation of the sonority hierarchy (e.g., -rtn- is pronounced as a three-consonant cluster, but -trn- needs to be broken up).
  • Or, a short vowel is never added, but consonants like r l m n occurring between two other consonants will be pronounced as a syllabic consonant (as in the English words “butter bottle bottom button”).
  • When a doubled consonant occurs before another consonant (or finally), it is often shortened to a single consonant rather than a vowel added. (However, Moroccan Arabic never shortens doubled consonants or inserts short vowels to break up clusters, instead tolerating arbitrary-length series of arbitrary consonants and hence Moroccan Arabic speakers are likely to follow the same rules in their pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic.)
• The clitic suffixes themselves tend also to be changed, in a way that avoids many possible occurrences of three-consonant clusters. In particular, -ka -ki -hu generally sound as -ak -ik -uh.
• Final long vowels are often shortened, merging with any short vowels that remain.
• Depending on the level of formality, the speaker’s education level, etc., various grammatical changes may occur in ways that echo the colloquial variants:
  • Any remaining case endings (e.g. masculine plural nominative -ūn vs. oblique -īn) will be leveled, with the oblique form used everywhere. (However, in words like ab ‘father’ and akh ‘brother’ with special long-vowel case endings in the construct state, the nominative is used everywhere, hence abū ‘father of’, akhū ‘brother of’.)
  • Feminine plural endings in verbs and clitic suffixes will often drop out, with the masculine plural endings used instead. If the speaker’s native variety has feminine plural endings, they may be preserved, but will often be modified in the direction of the forms used in the speaker’s native variety, e.g. -an instead of -na.
  • Dual endings will often drop out except on nouns and then used only for emphasis (similar to their use in the colloquial varieties); elsewhere, the plural endings are used (or feminine singular, if appropriate).

colloquial varieties

Vowels

As mentioned above, many spoken dialects have a march of emphasis spreading, where the “ emphasis ” ( pharyngealization ) of emphatic consonants spreads ahead and back through adjacent syllables, pharyngealizing all nearby consonants and triggering the back allophone [ ɑ ( ː ) ] in all nearby abject vowels. The extent of vehemence spreading varies. For example, in Moroccan Arabic, it spreads vitamin a far as the first entire vowel ( i.e. sound derived from a long vowel or diphthong ) on either side ; in many Levantine dialects, it spreads indefinitely, but is blocked by any / j / or / ʃ / ; while in egyptian Arabic, it normally spreads throughout the stallion give voice, including prefixes and suffixes. In Moroccan Arabic, /i u/ besides have emphatic allophones [ e~ɛ ] and [ o~ɔ ], respectively. Unstressed short vowels, particularly /i u/, are deleted in many contexts. many sporadic examples of short-circuit vowel change have occurred ( specially /a/→/i/ and interchange /i/↔/u/ ). Most levantine dialects merge short-circuit /i u/ into /ə/ in most contexts ( all except immediately before a individual final consonant ). In Moroccan Arabic, on the early hand, short /u/ triggers labialization of nearby consonants ( specially velar consonants and uvular consonants ), and then short /a one u/ all unite into /ə/, which is deleted in many context. ( The labialization plus /ə/ is sometimes interpreted as an underlie phoneme /ŭ/. ) This basically causes the wholesale personnel casualty of the short-long vowel differentiation, with the original long vowels /aː iː uː/ remaining as half-long [ aˑ iˑ uˑ ], phonemically /a iodine u/, which are used to represent both short circuit and long vowels in borrowings from Literary Arabic. Most speak dialects have monophthongized original /aj aw/ to /eː oː/ in most circumstances, including adjacent to emphatic consonants, while keeping them as the original diphthongs in others e.g. مَوْعِد /m aw ʕid/. In most of the Moroccan, Algerian and Tunisian ( except Sahel and Southeastern ) Arabic dialects, they have subsequently merged into original /iː uː/ .

Consonants

In most dialects, there may be more or fewer phonemes than those listed in the chart above. For case, [ gigabyte ] is considered a native phoneme in most arabic dialects except in Levantine dialects like syrian or lebanese where ج is pronounced [ ʒ ] and ق is pronounced [ ʔ ]. [ d͡ʒ ] or [ ʒ ] ( ج ) is considered a native phoneme in most dialects except in egyptian and a number of Yemeni and Omani dialects where ج is pronounced [ g ]. [ zˤ ] or [ ðˤ ] and [ dˤ ] are distinguished in the dialects of Egypt, Sudan, the Levant and the Hejaz, but they have merged as [ ðˤ ] in most dialects of the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq and Tunisia and have merged as [ dˤ ] in Morocco and Algeria. The custom of non-native [ p ] پ and [ v ] ڤ depends on the use of each speaker but they might be more prevailing in some dialects than others. The Iraqi and Gulf Arabic besides has the reasoned [ t͡ʃ ] and writes it and [ ɡ ] with the iranian letters چ and گ, as in گوجة gawjah “ plumb ” ; چمة chimah “ truffle ”. early in the expansion of Arabic, the separate emphatic phonemes [ ɮˤ ] and [ ðˤ ] coalesced into a individual phoneme [ ðˤ ]. many dialects ( such as egyptian, Levantine, and much of the Maghreb ) subsequently lost interdental fricatives, converting [ θ ð ðˤ ] into [ thyroxine five hundred dˤ ]. Most dialects borrow “ learn ” words from the Standard terminology using the like pronunciation as for familial words, but some dialects without interdental fricatives ( particularly in Egypt and the Levant ) render original [ θ ð ðˤ dˤ ] in borrow words as [ south omega zˤ dˤ ]. Another key distinguishing mark of Arabic dialects is how they render the original velar and uvular plosives / q /, / d͡ʒ / ( Proto-Semitic / ɡ / ), and / k / :

• ق q/glottal stop ʔ]prestige dialects, such as those spoken in Cairo, Beirut and Damascus. But it is rendered as a voiced velar plosive ɡ]k]d͡ʒ]ʒ]ʁ]q/q]
• ج /d͡ʒ/ is pronounced as an affricate in Iraq and much of the Arabian Peninsula but is pronounced ɡ]ʒ]j] [ i̠ ] in most words in much of the Persian Gulf.
• ك k/t͡ʃ/ /-ak/ (‘you’, masc.) and /-ik/ (‘you’, fem.), which become /-ak/ and /-it͡ʃ/, respectively. In Sana’a, Omani, and Bahrani /-ik/ is pronounced /-iʃ/.

Pharyngealization of the emphatic consonants tends to weaken in many of the talk varieties, and to spread from emphatic consonants to nearby sounds. In addition, the “ emphatic ” allophone [ ɑ ] automatically triggers pharyngealization of adjacent sounds in many dialects. As a result, it may unmanageable or impossible to determine whether a given wreath accordant is phonemically emphatic or not, particularly in dialects with long-distance emphasis go around. ( A noteworthy exception is the sounds / triiodothyronine / vs. / tˤ / in Moroccan Arabic, because the former is pronounced as an affricate [ t͡s ] but the latter is not. )

grammar

Examples of how the Arabic root and form organization works

literary Arabic

As in early semitic languages, Arabic has a complex and unusual morphology ( i.e. method of constructing words from a basic rout ). Arabic has a nonconcatenative “ root-and-pattern ” morphology : A root consists of a set of bare consonants ( normally three ), which are fitted into a discontinuous blueprint to form words. For model, the bible for ‘I wrote ‘ is constructed by combining the settle k-t-b ‘write ‘ with the model -a-a-tu ‘I Xed ‘ to form katabtu ‘I wrote ‘. other verb meaning ‘I Xed ‘ will typically have the same convention but with different consonants, e.g. qaraʼtu ‘I read ‘, akaltu ‘I ate ‘, dhahabtu ‘I went ‘, although other patterns are possible ( e.g. sharibtu ‘I drink in ‘, qultu ‘I said ‘, takallamtu ‘I address ‘, where the subpattern used to signal the by tense may change but the suffix -tu is always used ). From a individual root k-t-b, numerous words can be formed by applying different patterns :

• كَتَبْتُ katabtu ‘I wrote’
• كَتَّبْتُ kattabtu ‘I had (something) written’
• كَاتَبْتُ kātabtu ‘I corresponded (with someone)’
• أَكْتَبْتُ ‘aktabtu ‘I dictated’
• اِكْتَتَبْتُ iktatabtu ‘I subscribed’
• تَكَاتَبْنَا takātabnā ‘we corresponded with each other’
• أَكْتُبُ ‘aktubu ‘I write’
• أُكَتِّبُ ‘ukattibu ‘I have (something) written’
• أُكَاتِبُ ‘ukātibu ‘I correspond (with someone)’
• أُكْتِبُ ‘uktibu ‘I dictate’
• أَكْتَتِبُ ‘aktatibu ‘I subscribe’
• نَتَكَتِبُ natakātabu ‘we correspond each other’
• كُتِبَ kutiba ‘it was written’
• أُكْتِبَ ‘uktiba ‘it was dictated’
• مَكْتُوبٌ maktūbun ‘written’
• مُكْتَبٌ muktabun ‘dictated’
• كِتَابٌ kitābun ‘book’
• كُتُبٌ kutubun ‘books’
• كَاتِبٌ kātibun ‘writer’
• كُتَّابٌ kuttābun ‘writers’
• مَكْتَبٌ maktabun ‘desk, office’
• مَكْتَبَةٌ maktabatun ‘library, bookshop’
• etc.

Nouns and adjectives

Nouns in Literary Arabic have three grammatical cases ( nominated, accusative, and possessive [ besides used when the noun is governed by a preposition ] ) ; three numbers ( remarkable, double and plural ) ; two genders ( masculine and feminine ) ; and three “ states ” ( indefinite, definite, and manufacture ). The cases of singular nouns ( other than those that end in long ā ) are indicated by suffix short vowels ( /-u/ for nominative, /-a/ for accusative, /-i/ for genitive ). The feminine singular is frequently marked by ـَة /-at/, which is pronounced as /-ah/ before a hesitate. Plural is indicated either through endings ( the sound plural ) or internal modification ( the broken plural ). Definite noun include all proper nouns, all nouns in “ construct state ” and all nouns which are prefixed by the definite article اَلْـ /al-/. Indefinite singular nouns ( other than those that end in long ā ) add a final examination /-n/ to the case-marking vowels, giving /-un/, /-an/ or /-in/ ( which is besides referred to as nunation or tanwīn ). Adjectives in Literary Arabic are marked for case, number, sex and submit, as for noun. however, the plural of all non-human nouns is always combined with a singular feminine adjective, which takes the ـَة /-at/ suffix. Pronouns in Literary Arabic are marked for person, total and gender. There are two varieties, autonomous pronoun and enclitics. Enclitic pronouns are attached to the end of a verb, noun or preposition and bespeak verbal and prepositional objects or monomania of nouns. The first-person remarkable pronoun has a different enclitic form used for verb ( ـنِي /-nī/ ) and for nouns or prepositions ( ـِي /-ī/ after consonants, ـيَ /-ya/ after vowels ). Nouns, verb, pronouns and adjectives agree with each other in all respects. however, non-human plural nouns are grammatically considered to be feminine singular. furthermore, a verb in a verb-initial conviction is marked as singular careless of its semantic number when the subject of the verb is explicitly mentioned as a noun. Numerals between three and ten show “ chiasmal ” agreement, in that grammatically masculine numerals have feminine notice and frailty versa .

Verbs

Verbs in Literary Arabic are marked for person ( first, second, or third base ), sex, and count. They are conjugated in two major paradigm ( past and non-past ) ; two voices ( active and passive ) ; and six moods ( indicative, imperative, subjunctive mood, jussive, short energetic and longer energetic ), the one-fifth and sixth moods, the energetics, exist only in Classical Arabic but not in MSA. [ 106 ] There are besides two participles ( active and passive ) and a verbal noun, but no infinitive. The past and non-past prototype are sometimes besides term perfective and imperfective, indicating the fact that they actually represent a combination of strain and aspect. The moods other than the indicative mood occur only in the non-past, and the future strain is signaled by prefixing سَـ sa- or سَوْفَ sawfa onto the non-past. The past and non-past disagree in the human body of the stem ( for example, past كَتَبـ katab- vs. non-past ـكْتُبـ -ktub- ), and besides use wholly different sets of affixes for indicating person, act and gender : In the past, the person, number and sex are fused into a single suffixal morpheme, while in the non-past, a combination of prefixes ( primarily encoding person ) and suffixes ( chiefly encoding sex and act ) are used. The passive voice voice uses the same person/number/gender affixes but changes the vowels of the stem. The surveil shows a paradigm of a regular Arabic verb, كَتَبَ kataba ‘to compose ‘. In Modern Standard, the energetic temper ( in either long or short form, which have the lapp meaning ) is about never used .

deriving

Like early semitic languages, and unlike most other languages, Arabic makes much more use of nonconcatenative morphology ( applying many templates applied roots ) to derive words than adding prefixes or suffixes to words. For verbs, a given ancestor can occur in many different derived verb stems ( of which there are about fifteen ), each with one or more characteristic meanings and each with its own templates for the past and non-past stems, active and passive participles, and verbal noun. These are referred to by western scholars as “ Form I ”, “ Form II ”, and so on through “ Form fifteen ” ( although Forms XI to XV are rare ). These stems encode grammatical functions such as the causative, intensive and reflexive. Stems sharing the same root consonants represent divide verbs, albeit frequently semantically related, and each is the basis for its own conjugational substitution class. As a consequence, these derived stems are character of the arrangement of derivational morphology, not separate of the inflectional arrangement. Examples of the different verb formed from the etymon كتب k-t-b ‘write ‘ ( using حمر ḥ-m-r ‘red ‘ for Form IX, which is limited to colors and physical defects ) :

Most of these forms are exclusively Classical Arabic

Form	Past	Meaning	Non-past	Meaning
I	kataba	‘he wrote’	yaktubu	‘he writes’
II	kattaba	‘he made (someone) write’	yukattibu	“he makes (someone) write”
III	kātaba	‘he corresponded with, wrote to (someone)’	yukātibu	‘he corresponds with, writes to (someone)’
IV	ʾaktaba	‘he dictated’	yuktibu	‘he dictates’
V	takattaba	‘nonexistent’	yatakattabu	‘nonexistent’
VI	takātaba	‘he corresponded (with someone, esp. mutually)’	yatakātabu	‘he corresponds (with someone, esp. mutually)’
VII	inkataba	‘he subscribed’	yankatibu	‘he subscribes’
VIII	iktataba	‘he copied’	yaktatibu	‘he copies’
IX	iḥmarra	‘he turned red’	yaḥmarru	‘he turns red’
X	istaktaba	‘he asked (someone) to write’	yastaktibu	‘he asks (someone) to write’

Form II is sometimes used to create transitive denominative verb ( verb built from nouns ) ; Form V is the equivalent used for intransitive denominatives. The associate participles and verbal nouns of a verb are the elementary means of forming new lexical nouns in Arabic. This is like to the march by which, for example, the English gerund “ merging ” ( alike to a verbal noun ) has turned into a noun referring to a particular type of sociable, frequently work-related event where people gather together to have a “ discussion ” ( another lexicalized verbal noun ). Another fairly common means of forming nouns is through one of a restrict number of patterns that can be applied directly to roots, such as the “ nouns of location ” in ma- ( e.g. maktab ‘desk, office ‘ < k-t-b ‘write ‘, maṭbakh ‘kitchen ‘ < ṭ-b-kh ‘cook ‘ ). The only three genuine suffixes are as follows :

• The feminine suffix -ah; variously derives terms for women from related terms for men, or more generally terms along the same lines as the corresponding masculine, e.g. maktabah ‘library’ (also a writing-related place, but different from maktab, as above).
• The nisbah suffix -iyy-. This suffix is extremely productive, and forms adjectives meaning “related to X”. It corresponds to English adjectives in -ic, -al, -an, -y, -ist, etc.
• The feminine nisbah suffix -iyyah. This is formed by adding the feminine suffix -ah onto nisba adjectives to form abstract nouns. For example, from the basic root sh-r-k ‘share’ can be derived the Form VIII verb ishtaraka ‘to cooperate, participate’, and in turn its verbal noun ishtirāk ‘cooperation, participation’ can be formed. This in turn can be made into a nisbah adjective ishtirākī ‘socialist’, from which an abstract noun ishtirākiyyah ‘socialism’ can be derived. Other recent formations are jumhūriyyah ‘republic’ (lit. “public-ness”, < jumhūr ‘multitude, general public’), and the Gaddafi-specific variation jamāhīriyyah ‘people’s republic’ (lit. “masses-ness”, < jamāhīr ‘the masses’, pl. of jumhūr, as above).

colloquial varieties

The speak dialects have lost the case distinctions and make only limited use of the double ( it occurs lone on nouns and its use is no long required in all circumstances ). They have lost the temper distinctions other than imperative mood, but many have since gained new moods through the use of prefixes ( most often /bi-/ for indicative vs. unmarked subjunctive ). They have besides by and large lost the indefinite “ nunation ” and the internal passive. The comply is an case of a regular verb paradigm in egyptian Arabic .

Example of a regular Form I verb in Egyptian Arabic, kátab/yíktib “write”

Tense/Mood		Past	Present Subjunctive	Present Indicative	Future	Imperative
Singular
1st		katáb-t	á-ktib	bá-ktib	ḥá-ktib	”
2nd	masculine	katáb-t	tí-ktib	bi-tí-ktib	ḥa-tí-ktib	í-ktib
	feminine	katáb-ti	ti-ktíb-i	bi-ti-ktíb-i	ḥa-ti-ktíb-i	i-ktíb-i
3rd	masculine	kátab	yí-ktib	bi-yí-ktib	ḥa-yí-ktib	”
	feminine	kátab-it	tí-ktib	bi-tí-ktib	ḥa-tí-ktib
Plural
1st		katáb-na	ní-ktib	bi-ní-ktib	ḥá-ní-ktib	”
2nd		katáb-tu	ti-ktíb-u	bi-ti-ktíb-u	ḥa-ti-ktíb-u	i-ktíb-u
3rd		kátab-u	yi-ktíb-u	bi-yi-ktíb-u	ḥa-yi-ktíb-u	”

Writing system

Arabic calligraphy written by a Malay Muslim in Malaysia. The calligrapher is making a rough draft. The Arabic alphabet derives from the Aramaic through Nabatean, to which it bears a lax resemblance like that of Coptic or Cyrillic scripts to Greek script. traditionally, there were respective differences between the Western ( North African ) and Middle Eastern versions of the alphabet—in particular, the faʼ had a acid underneath and qaf a single dot above in the Maghreb, and the ordain of the letters was slightly unlike ( at least when they were used as numerals ). however, the old Maghrebi discrepancy has been abandoned except for calligraphic purposes in the Maghreb itself, and remains in manipulation chiefly in the Quranic schools ( zaouias ) of West Africa. Arabic, like all early semite languages ( except for the Latin-written Maltese, and the languages with the Ge’ez script ), is written from right field to left. There are several styles of scripts such as thuluth, muhaqqaq, tawqi, rayhan and notably naskh, which is used in mark and by computers, and ruqʻah, which is normally used for agreement. [ 107 ] [ 108 ] in the first place Arabic was made up of entirely rasm without diacritic marks [ 109 ] Later diacritic points ( which in Arabic are referred to as nuqaṯ ) were added ( which allowed readers to distinguish between letters such as bacillus, thymine, thursday, north and yttrium ). last signs known as Tashkil were used for abruptly vowels known as harakat and early uses such as final postnasalized or long vowels .

calligraphy

After Khalil ibn Ahmad aluminum Farahidi ultimately fixed the Arabic script round 786, many styles were developed, both for the writing down of the Quran and early books, and for inscriptions on monuments as decoration. Arabic calligraphy has not fallen out of practice as calligraphy has in the western populace, and is calm considered by Arabs as a major art shape ; calligraphers are held in great think of. Being longhand by nature, unlike the Latin script, Arabic script is used to write down a verse of the Quran, a sunnah, or merely a proverb. The composition is frequently abstract, but sometimes the write is shaped into an actual shape such as that of an animal. One of the current masters of the music genre is Hassan Massoudy. In modern times the intrinsically calligraphic nature of the written Arabic form is haunted by the thought that a typographic approach to the language, necessary for digitize union, will not constantly accurately keep meanings conveyed through calligraphy. [ 110 ]

Romanization

Examples of different transliteration/transcription schemes

Letter	IPA	UNGEGN	ALA-LC	Wehr	DIN	ISO	SAS	– 2	BATR	ArabTeX	chat
ء	ʔ	ʼ			ʾ	ˈ, ˌ	ʾ	‘	e	‘	2
ا	aː	ā				ʾ	ā	aa	aa / A	a	a/e/é
ي	j iː	y	y; ī					y; e	y; ii	y	y; i/ee; ei/ai
ث	θ	th		ṯ			ç	ṯ	c	_t	s/th
ج	d͡ʒɡʒ	j			ǧ		ŷ	j	j	^g	j/g/dj
ح	ħ	ḩ	ḥ						H	.h	7
خ	x	kh		ḵ	ḫ	ẖ	j	x	K	_h	kh/7’/5
ذ	ð	dh		ḏ				đ	z’	_d	z/dh/th
ش	ʃ	sh		š					x	^s	sh/ch
ص	sˤ	ş	ṣ						S	.s	s/9
ض	dˤ	ḑ	ḍ						D	.d	d/9′
ط	tˤ	ţ	ṭ						T	.tu	t/6
ظ	ðˤzˤ	z̧	ẓ					đ̣	Z	.z	z/dh/6′
ع	ʕ	ʻ			ʿ			ř	E	‘	3
غ	ɣ	gh		ḡ	ġ		g	j	g	.g	gh/3’/8

There are a number of different standards for the romanization of Arabic, i.e. methods of accurately and efficiently representing Arabic with the Latin script. There are assorted conflicting motivations involved, which leads to multiple systems. Some are concerned in transliteration, i.e. representing the spelling of Arabic, while others focus on transcription, i.e. representing the pronunciation of Arabic. ( They differ in that, for exercise, the same letter ي is used to represent both a accordant, as in “ y ou ” or “ y et ”, and a vowel, as in “ thousand e “ or “ ea thyroxine ”. ) Some systems, e.g. for scholarly habit, are intended to accurately and unambiguously represent the phonemes of Arabic, generally making the phonetics more explicit than the original parole in the Arabic script. These systems are heavily reliant on diacritic marks such as “ š ” for the fathom equivalently written sh in English. other systems ( e.g. the Bahá’í orthography ) are intended to help readers who are neither Arabic speakers nor linguists with intuitive pronunciation of Arabic names and phrases. [ citation needed ] These less “ scientific ” systems tend to avoid diacritics and manipulation digraph ( like sh and kh ). These are normally simpler to read, but sacrifice the determinateness of the scientific systems, and may lead to ambiguities, e.g. whether to interpret sh as a single sound, as in gash, or a combination of two sounds, as in gashouse. The ALA-LC romanization solves this problem by separating the two sounds with a prime symbol ( ′ ) ; e.g., as′hal ‘easier ‘. During the last few decades and particularly since the 1990s, Western-invented text communication technologies have become prevailing in the arabian worldly concern, such as personal computers, the World Wide Web, electronic mail, bulletin board systems, IRC, instantaneous message and mobile call text message. Most of these technologies in the first place had the ability to communicate using the Latin handwriting only, and some of them hush do not have the Arabic script as an optional feature. As a result, Arabic speaking users communicated in these technologies by transliterating the Arabic textbook using the Latin script, sometimes known as IM Arabic. To handle those Arabic letters that can not be accurately represented using the Latin script, numerals and other characters were appropriated. For exemplar, the numeral “ 3 ” may be used to represent the Arabic letter ⟨ع⟩. There is no universal name for this type of transliteration, but some have named it Arabic Chat Alphabet. other systems of transliteration exist, such as using dots or capitalization to represent the “ emphatic ” counterparts of certain consonants. For example, using capitalization, the letter ⟨د⟩, may be represented by d. Its emphatic counterpart, ⟨ض⟩, may be written as D .

Numerals

In most of contemporary North Africa, the western Arabic numerals ( 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 ) are used. however, in Egypt and Arabic-speaking countries to the east of it, the Eastern Arabic numerals ( ٠‎ – ١‎ – ٢‎ – ٣‎ – ٤‎ – ٥‎ – ٦‎ – ٧‎ – ٨‎ – ٩‎ ) are in use. When representing a numeral in Arabic, the lowest-valued position is placed on the good, so the orderliness of positions is the lapp as in left-to-right scripts. Sequences of digits such as call numbers are read from left to right, but numbers are spoken in the traditional Arabic fashion, with units and tens reversed from the modern English use. For exemplar, 24 is said “ four and twenty ” just like in the german linguistic process ( vierundzwanzig ) and Classical Hebrew, and 1975 is said “ a thousand and nine-hundred and five and seventy ” or, more eloquently, “ a thousand and nine-hundred five seventy ”

Language-standards regulators

Academy of the Arabic Language is the diagnose of a number of language-regulation bodies formed in the Arab League. The most active are in Damascus and Cairo. They review language development, monitor new words and approve inclusion of new words into their published standard dictionaries. They besides publish old and historic Arabic manuscripts .

As a foreign language

Arabic has been taught cosmopolitan in many elementary and junior-grade schools, specially Muslim schools. Universities around the global have classes that teach Arabic as region of their foreign languages, Middle Eastern studies, and religious studies courses. Arabic linguistic process schools exist to assist students to learn Arabic outside the academician world. There are many Arabic language schools in the arabian global and early Muslim countries. Because the Quran is written in Arabic and all Islamic terms are in Arabic, millions [ 111 ] of Muslims ( both Arab and non-Arab ) study the lyric. Software and books with tapes are besides important part of Arabic determine, as many of Arabic learners may live in places where there are no academician or arabic speech school classes available. Radio series of Arabic lyric classes are besides provided from some radio stations. [ 112 ] A number of websites on the Internet provide on-line classes for all levels as a mean of distance education ; most teach modern Standard Arabic, but some teach regional varieties from numerous countries. [ 113 ]

condition in the arabian universe vs. other languages

With the sole example of Medieval linguist Abu Hayyan al-Gharnati – who, while a learner of the Arabic speech, was not ethnically arab – Medieval scholars of the Arabic terminology made no efforts at studying relative linguistics, considering all other languages inferior. [ 114 ] In modern times, the educated amphetamine classes in the arab populace have taken a closely face-to-face view. Yasir Suleiman wrote in 2011 that “ studying and knowing English or french in most of the Middle East and North Africa have become a badge of sophistication and modernity and … pretense, or asserting, helplessness or lack of facility in Arabic is sometimes paraded as a sign of condition, classify, and perversely, even education through a mélange of code-switching practises. ” [ 115 ]

See besides

References

Citations

Sources

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