A Catalan independence protest in September 2012 The Catalan independence movement ( Catalan : independentisme català ; [ a ] spanish : independentismo catalán ) is a sociable and political bowel movement with roots in Catalan nationalism, which seeks the independence of Catalonia from Spain, along with some in the bowel movement supporting the independence of North Catalonia from France and that of early Catalan-speaking areas, referred to as the Catalan Countries. The beginnings of segregation in Catalonia can be traced back to regionalist and patriot movements of the mid–19th hundred, influenced by romanticist ideas widespread in Europe at the time. however, the hope for full independence from Spain was rare among the population and alone first mentioned in 1886. This was about two centuries after the passing of the Catalan Constitutions, when the new Bourbon dynasty, annulled historical institutions of respective territories within the erstwhile Crown of Aragon that supported the Habsburgs. The first mastermind Catalan independence party was Estat Català ( Catalan State ), founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. In 1931, Estat Català and other parties formed Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ( Republican Left of Catalonia, ERC ). Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic within Spain in 1931, subsequently accepting autonomy within the spanish state of matter after negotiations with the leaders of the Second Spanish Republic. During the spanish Civil War, General Francisco Franco abolished Catalan autonomy in 1938. Following Franco ‘s death in 1975, Catalan political parties concentrated on autonomy rather than independence.
The contemporary independence drift began around 2009 after a series of events, including the fiscal crisis of 2007–2008 and the Partido Popular ( People ‘s Party ) challenging the 2006 Statute of Autonomy in the Constitutional Court of Spain ; Catalan municipalities held symbolic referendums on independence between 2009 and 2011. The 2010 rule of the court that parts of the codified were unconstitutional trip huge protests, and a snatch election in 2012 led to the first pro-independence majority ever in the Catalan parliament. The new government held a “ non-binding ” self-government referendum in 2014, which yielded a large majority in favor of independence, but with a low turnout due to boycotting by anti-independence voters. A far election in 2015 was followed by the calling of a new, binding referendum. This was however considered illegal by the spanish government and the Constitutional Court, as the Catalan government lacks legal legal power to organize referendums. The referendum was however held in 2017 amidst great political and social controversy, including police actions aimed at stopping it both before and during the vote. Amidst large protests from both the pro and anti-independence camps, the Catalan parliament approved a apparent motion with the calculate to proclaim an independent republic, at the lapp prison term that the spanish senate voted to take control of the Catalan institutions until fresh regional elections. The regional government leaders were arrested in the subsequent weeks, with some fleeing afield, including then president Carles Puigdemont. In 2019, the raw spanish politics agreed to hold a ‘table of negotiations ‘ with the government of Catalonia, though refusing ahead to consider independence or self-government. In 2020, the spanish government began processing a request for the pardon of the catch leaders, which was effective in June 2021. In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are Together for Catalonia ( JxCat ) ( which includes Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català ( PDeCAT ), heir of the former Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya ( CDC ) ) ; Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ( ERC ), and Candidatura d’Unitat Popular ( CUP ). Parties opposed to the regional independence are Ciutadans ( Citizens ), People ‘s Party ( PP ) and the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya ( PSC ). En Comú Podem supports federalism and a legal and agreed referendum .
history [edit ]
Beginnings [edit ]
iberian Kingdoms in 1400 The Principality of Catalonia was an entity of the Crown of Aragon, created by the dynastic union of the County of Barcelona and the Kingdom of Aragon in 1137. In the late fifteenth century, Aragon united by marriage with the Crown of Castile to form what would late become Kingdom of Spain. Initially, the respective entities of the Crown of Aragon, including Catalonia, kept their own fueros ( furs in Catalan, laws and customs ) and political institutions as guarantee of their sovereignty, [ 2 ] for which they fought a civil war during the actual union of the crowns, known as the Catalan Civil War ( 1462-1472 ) between foralists and royalists. In 1640, during the Thirty Years War and Franco-Spanish War, Catalan peasants revolted, starting the Reapers ‘ War. The following year, the Catalan government seceded establishing the independence of the Principality, called France for protection and ultimately named Louis XIII count of Barcelona. After a ten of war, the spanish Monarchy counter-attacked in 1652 and recovered Barcelona and the remainder of Catalonia, except for Roussillon, which was annexed by France. Catalonia retained its fueros. [ 3 ] [ 4 ] During the War of spanish Succession, most of the territories of the Crown of Aragon, including Catalonia, ferociously supported Archduke Charles, the Habsburg rival, [ 5 ] who swore the Catalan constitutions, against the Bourbon rival, [ 6 ] who would later abolish the Catalan constitutions and political institutions through the Nueva Planta Decrees. The Habsburgs ‘ english allies withdrew from the war with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, and shortly thereafter, Habsburg troops were evacuated from Italy and from Spain. This left the Catalan government isolated, but it remained loyal to Charles. After a 14-month siege, Barcelona surrendered to a Bourbon united states army on 11 September 1714. The end of the war was followed by the passing of the fueros of all Crown of Aragon territories, including Catalonia, and the imposition of the Nueva Planta decrees, which centralised spanish government. [ 3 ] [ 6 ] 11 September, the date of the fall of Barcelona, was commemorated by Catalan nationalists from 1886, [ 7 ] and in the twentieth hundred it was chosen as the National Day of Catalonia. [ 8 ] The beginnings of segregation in Catalonia can be traced back to the mid–19th century. The Renaixença ( cultural rebirth ), which aimed at the revival of the Catalan lyric and Catalan traditions, led to the development of Catalan nationalism and a desire for independence. [ 9 ] [ 10 ] Between the 1850s and the 1910s, some individuals, [ 11 ] organisations [ 12 ] and political parties [ 13 ] started demanding full independence of Catalonia from Spain .
Twentieth hundred [edit ]
The beginning pro-independence political party in Catalonia was Estat Català ( Catalan State ), founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. [ 14 ] Estat Català went into exile in France during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera ( 1923–1930 ), launching an abortive arise from Prats de Molló in 1926. [ 15 ] In March 1931, following the upset of Primo de Rivera, Estat Català joined with the Partit Republicà Català ( Catalan Republican Party ) and the political group L’Opinió ( Opinion ) to form Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ( Republican Left of Catalonia ; ERC ), with Macià as its first drawing card. [ 16 ] The following calendar month, the ERC achieved a dramatic victory in the municipal elections that preceded the 14 April proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic. [ 17 ] Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic on 14 April, but after negotiations with the probationary government he was obliged to settle for autonomy, under a revived Generalitat of Catalonia. [ 18 ] Catalonia was granted a legislative act of autonomy in 1932, which lasted until the spanish Civil War. In 1938, General Franco abolished both the Statute of Autonomy and the Generalitat. [ 3 ] A segment of Estat Català which had broken away from the ERC in 1936 joined with other groups to found the Front Nacional de Catalunya ( National Front of Catalonia ; FNC ) in Paris in 1940. [ 14 ] [ 19 ] The FNC declared its aim to be “ an energetic protest against Franco and an affirmation of Catalan nationalism ”. [ 19 ] Its impact, however, was on Catalan exiles in France preferably than in Catalonia itself. [ 20 ] The FNC in turn gave raise to the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional ( Socialist Party of National Liberation ; PSAN ), which combined a pro-independence agenda with a leftist stance. [ 21 ] A rip in the PSAN led to the formation of the Partit Socialista d’Alliberament Nacional – Provisional ( Socialist Party of National Liberation – probationary ; PSAN-P ) in 1974. [ 22 ] Following Franco ‘s death in 1975, Spain moved to restore majority rule. A fresh fundamental law was adopted in 1978, which asserted the “ indivisible one of the spanish nation ”, but acknowledged “ the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions which form it ”. [ 23 ] Independence parties objected to it on the basis that it was antagonistic with Catalan self-determination, and formed the Comité Català Contra la Constitució Espanyola ( Catalan Committee Against the Constitution ) to oppose it. [ 22 ] The constitution was approved in a referendum by 88 % of voters in Spain overall, and fair over 90 % in Catalonia. [ 24 ] It was followed by the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 1979, which was approved in a referendum, with 88 % of voters supporting it. [ 25 ] This led to the marginalization or disappearance of pro-independence political groups, and for a time the gap was filled by militant groups such as Terra Lliure. [ 26 ] In 1981, a manifesto issued by intellectuals in Catalonia claiming discrimination against the castilian language, drew a response in the form of published letter, Crida a la Solidaritat en Defensa de la Llengua, la Cultura i la Nació Catalanes ( “ Call for Solidarity in Defence of the Catalan Language, Culture and Nation ” ), which called for a mass meet at the University of Barcelona, out of which a popular motion arise. The Crida organised a series of protests that culminated in a massive demonstration in the Camp Nou on 24 June 1981. [ 27 ] Beginning as a cultural administration, the Crida soon began to demand independence. [ 28 ] In 1982, at a time of political doubt in Spain, the Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico ( LOAPA ) was introduced in the spanish fantan, purportedly to “ harmonise ” the autonomy march, but in reality to curb the might of Catalonia and the Basque region. There was a billow of popular protest against it. The Crida and others organised a huge tease against LOAPA in Barcelona on 14 March 1982. In March 1983, it was held to be ultra vires by the spanish Constitutional Court. [ 28 ] During the 1980s, the Crida was involved in nonviolent direct natural process, among other things campaigning for labelling in Catalan only, and targeting big companies. [ 27 ] In 1983, the Crida ‘s drawing card, Àngel Colom, left to join the ERC, “ giving an caprice to the independentist refounding ” of that party. [ 29 ]
second Statute of Autonomy and after [edit ]
Following elections in 2003, the mince nationalist Convergència iodine Unió ( CiU ), which had governed Catalonia since 1980, lost might to a coalescence of leftist parties composed of the Socialists ‘ Party of Catalonia ( PSC ), the pro-independence Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ( ERC ) and a far-left/Green alliance ( ICV – EUiA ), headed by Pasqual Maragall. The government produced a draft for a modern Statute of Autonomy, which was supported by the CiU and was approved by the fantan by a bombastic majority. [ 30 ] The draft legislative act then had to be approved by the spanish parliament, which could make changes ; it did then, removing clauses on finance and the language, and an article stating that Catalonia was a nation. [ 31 ] When the amended codified was put to a referendum on 18 June 2006, the ERC, in protest, called for a “ no ” vote. The legislative act was approved, but siding was alone 48.9 %. [ 32 ] At the subsequent election, the leftist coalition was returned to power, this time under the leadership of José Montilla. [ 30 ]
The button-down Partido Popular, which had opposed the legislative act in the spanish parliament, challenged its constitutionality in the spanish High Court of Justice. The event lasted four years. [ 33 ] In its judgment, issued on 18 June 2010, the motor hotel ruled that fourteen articles in the codified were unconstitutional, and that 27 others were to be interpreted restrictively. The affect articles included those that gave predilection to the Catalan language, freed Catalonia from duty for the finances of early autonomous communities, and recognised Catalonia as a nation. [ 33 ] [ 34 ] The entire text of the judgment was released on 9 July 2010, and the come day a protest demonstration organised by the cultural arrangement Òmnium Cultural was attended by over a million people, and led by José Montilla. [ 33 ] [ 34 ] During and after the court sheath, a series of symbolic referendums on independence were held in municipalities throughout Catalonia. The first of these was in the town of Arenys de Munt on 13 September 2009. About 40 % of eligible voters participated, of whom 96 % voted for independence. [ 35 ] In all, 552 towns held independence referendums between 2009 and 2011. [ 36 ] These, together with demonstrations organised by Òmnium Cultural and the Assemblea Nacional Catalana ( ANC ), represented a “ bottom-up ” procedure by which society influenced the political motion for independence. [ 36 ] At an institutional horizontal surface, respective municipalities of Catalonia came together to create the Association of Municipalities for Independence, an constitution officially established on 14 December 2011 in Vic which brought local organisations together to further the national rights of Catalonia and promote its right to self-determination. [ 37 ] The presentation of 11 September 2012 explicitly called on the Catalan politics to begin the process of secession. [ 38 ] immediately after it, Artur Mas, whose CiU had regained world power in 2010, called a snap election for 25 November 2012, and the fantan resolved that a referendum on independence would be held in the life of the adjacent legislature. [ 39 ] Although the CiU lost seats to the ERC, Mas remained in power. [ 39 ]
2014 Referendum [edit ]
Mas and ERC drawing card Oriol Junqueras signed an agreement by which the ERC would support the CiU on sovereignty issues while on early matters it might oppose it. The two leaders drafted the Declaration of Sovereignty and of the Right to Decide of the Catalan People, which was adopted by the fantan at its first sitting in January 2013. The announcement stated that “ the Catalan people have, for reasons of democratic legitimacy, the nature of a autonomous political and legal subject ”, and that the people had the right to decide their own political future. [ 39 ] The spanish politics referred the declaration to the spanish Constitutional Court, which ruled in March 2014 that the declaration of sovereignty was unconstitutional. The court did not, however, reject the “ correct to decide ”, arguing that that right did n’t necessarily imply sovereignty or self-government. [ 40 ] [ 41 ] On 11 September 2013, an estimated 1.6 million demonstrators formed a human chain, the Catalan Way, from the french margin to the regional margin with Valencia. [ 42 ] The following month, the CiU, the ERC, the ICV-EUiA and Candidatura d’Unitat Popular ( CUP ) agreed to hold the independence referendum on 9 November 2014, and that it would ask two questions : “ Do you want Catalonia to become a State ? ” and ( if yes ) “ Do you want this State to be independent ? “. [ 43 ] A foster mass presentation, the Catalan Way 2014, took locate on 11 September 2014, when protesters wearing the Catalan tinge of scandalmongering and crimson filled two of Barcelona ‘s avenues to form a colossus “ V ”, to call for a vote. [ 44 ] Following the Constitutional Court ‘s govern, the Catalan government changed the vote to a “ process of citizen participation ” and announced that it would be supervised by volunteers. [ 43 ] The spanish government again appealed to the Constitutional Court, which suspended the work pending the appeal, but the vote went ahead. [ 45 ] The result was an 81 % right to vote for yes-yes, but the turnout was only 42 %, which could be seen as a majority opposed to both independence and the referendum. [ 46 ] Criminal charges were subsequently brought against Mas and others for defying the court club. [ 45 ]
Pro-referendum rally in Montjuic, 11 June 2017 In June 2015 the CiU broke up as a result of discrepancy between its component parties – Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya ( CDC ) and Unió Democràtica de Catalunya ( UDC ) – over the independence summons. Mas ‘s CDC joined with the ERC and other groups to form Junts pel Sí ( Together for “ Yes ” ), which announced that it would declare independence if it won the election scheduled for September. [ 47 ] In the September election, Junts pel Sí and the CUP between them won a majority of seats, but fell short of a majority of votes, with equitable under 48 %. [ 48 ] On 9 November 2015, the fantan passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence serve, proposed by Junts pixel Sí and the CUP. [ 49 ] In reception, spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy said that the express would “ use any available discriminative and political mechanism contained in the constitution and in the laws to defend the reign of the spanish people and of the general concern of Spain ”, a hint that he would not stop at military interposition. [ 50 ] Following prolong negotiations between Junts pel Sí and the CUP, Mas was replaced as president of the united states by Carles Puigdemont in January 2016. Puigdemont, on taking the oath of office, omitted the oath of loyalty to the baron and the spanish constitution, the first Catalan president to do so. [ 50 ] farther pro-independence demonstrations took place in Barcelona in September 2015, and in Barcelona, Berga, Lleida, Salt and Tarragona in September 2016 .
2017 Referendum, Declaration of Independence and new regional elections [edit ]
In late September 2016, Puigdemont told the fantan that a bind referendum on independence would be held in the second half of September 2017, with or without the consent of the spanish institutions. [ 51 ] Puigdemont announced in June 2017 that the referendum would take plaza on 1 October, and that the wonder would be, “ Do you want Catalonia to become an freelancer state in the form of a republic ? ” The spanish government said in response, “ that referendum will not take place because it is illegal. ” [ 52 ] A police creating an independent republic —in the event that the referendum took place and there was a majority “ yes ” vote, without requiring a minimal turnout—was approved by the Catalan parliament in a school term on 6 September 2017. [ 53 ] [ 54 ] [ 55 ] Opposition parties protested against the bill, calling it “ a blow to majority rule and a violation of the rights of the opposition ”, and staged a walkout before the vote was taken. [ 56 ] On 7 September, the Catalan parliament passed a “ transition law “, to provide a legal model pending the adoption of a new fundamental law, after alike protests and another walkout by opposition parties. [ 57 ] [ 58 ] The lapp sidereal day, 7 September, the spanish Constitutional Court suspended the 6 September law while it considered an invoke from Mariano Rajoy, seeking a announcement that it was in transgress of the spanish constitution, meaning that the referendum could not legally go ahead on 1 October. [ 59 ] [ 60 ] The police was last declared void on 17 October [ 61 ] and is besides illegal according to the Catalan Statutes of Autonomy which require a two-thirds majority in the Catalan fantan for any change to Catalonia ‘s condition. [ 62 ] [ 63 ] [ 64 ] The national politics seized ballot papers and cell phones, threatened to very well people who manned polling stations up to €300,000, shut down web sites, and demanded that Google remove a vote location finder from the Android app storehouse. [ 65 ] Police were sent from the stay of Spain to suppress the vote and close poll locations, but parents scheduled events at schools ( where poll places are located ) over the weekend and vowed to occupy them to keep them open during the vote. [ 66 ] Some election organizers were arrested, including Catalan cabinet officials, while demonstrations by local institutions and street protests grew larger. [ 67 ] The referendum took station on 1 October 2017, despite being suspended by the Constitutional Court, and despite the action of spanish police to prevent vote in some centres. Images of violence from spanish carouse patrol beating Catalan voters shocked people and human rights organizations [ 68 ] across the globe and resulted in hundreds of injured citizens according to Catalan politics officials. [ 69 ] Some foreign politicians, including the early belgian Prime-Minister Charles Michel, condemned ferocity and called for negotiation. [ 70 ] According to the Catalan authorities, 90 % of voters supported independence, but turnout was only 43 %, and there were reports of irregularities. [ 71 ] On 10 October 2017, in the consequence of the referendum, the President of the Generalitat of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont, declared the independence of Catalonia but left it suspended. Puigdemont said during his appearance in the Catalan parliament that he assumes, in presenting the results of the referendum, “ the people ‘s mandate for Catalonia to become an independent state in the shape of a republic ”, but proposed that in the follow weeks the fantan “ suspends the effect of the declaration of independence to engage in a negotiation to reach an harmonize solution ” with the spanish Government. [ 71 ] [ 72 ] On 25 October 2017, after the spanish government had threatened to suspend the Catalan autonomy through article 155 of the spanish constitution, the UN Independent expert on the forwarding of a democratic and equitable international decree, Alfred de Zayas, deplored the decisiveness to suspend Catalan autonomy, stating “ This legal action constitutes degeneration in human rights security, incompatible with Articles 1, 19, 25 and 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ( ICCPR ). pursuant to Articles 10 ( 2 ) and 96 of the spanish Constitution, external treaties constitute the jurisprudence of the land and, therefore, spanish law must be interpreted in conformity with international treaties. ” [ 73 ] On 27 October 2017 the Catalan Parliament voted in a clandestine vote to approve a resoluteness declaring independence from Spain by a vote of 70–10 in the absence of the constitutionalist deputies, who refused to participate in a vote considered illegal for violating the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Spain. As a result, the like day ( 27 October 2017 ) Article 155 of the spanish united states constitution was triggered by the spanish politics ; the Catalan politics was dismissed and mastermind rule was imposed from the central politics in Madrid. [ 74 ] [ 75 ] [ 76 ] Under direct predominate from Spain, elections were held in Catalonia on 21 December 2017. The three pro-independence parties retained their control of parliament with a abridge majority of 70 seats and a unite 47.5 % of valid votes cast. Ines Arrimadas ‘ anti-independence Ciudadanos party was the most vote party with 25.4 % of votes, the first time in Catalan history that a non-nationalist party won most votes and seats in an election. Parties which endorsed the suspension of autonomy by cardinal politics represented 43.5 % of votes cast and parties which did not include independence in their electoral course of study amounted to 52.5 % of the vote, notably Catcomu-Podem ( 7.5 % of votes and 8 seats ), which is opposed to independence but supports a legal referendum and denounced the suspension of autonomy. [ 77 ] The excellent performance of the centre-right parties on both sides of the independence debate, Ciudadanos and Juntxcat, and the underperformance of all early parties ( notably, left annex parties and the Partido Popular ) were the most significant component in this election leave .
The trial of Catalonia independence leaders and October 2019 protests [edit ]
In 2018 some of the independence leaders were sent to preventive detention without bail, accused of crimes of rebellion, disobedience, and pervert of public funds. Carles Puigdemont and four members of his cabinet fled into self-exile. [ 78 ] Twelve people were tried by the Supreme Court of Spain, including the former frailty president of the united states Oriol Junqueras of the regional politics and most of the cabinet adenine well as political activists Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart and the erstwhile Speaker of the Parliament of Catalonia Carme Forcadell. The trial proceedings formally ended on 12 June 2019. A solid verdict by the seven judges that tried the case was made public on 14 October 2019. Nine of the 12 accused received prison sentences for the crimes of sedition ; of them, four were besides found guilty of pervert of populace funds. Their sentences ranged from 9 to 13 years. The remaining three accused were found guilty of disobedience and were sentenced to pay a ticket but received no prison term. The court dismissed the charges of rebellion. [ 79 ] Some of the defendants of the test have expressed their intention to appeal to the Constitutional Court of Spain and the european Court of Human Rights. [ 80 ] [ 81 ] The verdict delivered by the Supreme Court sparked multiple protests across the region. Clashes erupted into unfold violence, as protesters reacted violently at police efforts to end the demonstration, with some demonstrators setting cars on open fire and throwing jars of acid at police officers. The Catalan Law Enforcement means Mossos d’Esquadra, which had previously been accused of aiding the independence motion, replied by firing tear natural gas at the demonstrators. The pro-independence speaker of the Catalan Parliament condemned the crimson incidents and called for passive protests against the rule. [ 82 ] The protests grew larger, as more and more Catalans took to the streets. Some demonstrators attempted to storm buildings belonging to the spanish Government and clashed with patrol forces. [ 83 ] The spanish Police announced that 51 protesters had been arrested. [ 84 ] On 17 October, the pro-independence President of the Catalan Autonomous government, Quim Torra, called for an contiguous crippled to violence and disassociated himself from fierce protesters, while at the same time calling for more peaceful protests. however, the situation in Barcelona had evolved into open street battles between protesters and police, as both violent demonstrators attacked and provoked police forces, and police officers charged peaceful protesters for their proximity to violent ones. [ 85 ] several reports [ 86 ] claim that the protests and subsequent riots had been infiltrated by Neo-Nazis who used the marches as an opportunity to incite violence. shortly thereafter, the Catalan President attempted to rally the crowd by stating that he will push for a new independence referendum as large scale protests continued for the fourth day. [ 87 ]
On 18 October, Barcelona became paralytic, as tens of thousands of passive protesters answered the Catalan President ‘s visit and rallied in digest of the captive independence leaders. [ 88 ] The demonstration grew promptly, with the Barcelona police counting at least 525,000 protesters in the city. [ 89 ]
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By late 18 October, minor deal unions ( Intersindical-CSC and Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya [ ca ] ) linked to pro-independence movement called for a general strike. however, major trade unions ( UGT and CCOO ) did not endorse the event vitamin a good as representatives of the latter contested its very nature as “ strike ”. [ 90 ] Five peaceful marches converged on Barcelona ‘s city center, basically bringing the city to a crippled. Protesters further blocked the road on the French-Spanish frame. At least 20 early major roads were besides blocked. Clashes however took stead, with dissemble protesters confronting carouse police by throwing stones and setting ablaze rubbish bins. [ 91 ] 25,000 university students joined in the protest drift by declaring a peaceful student strike. [ 92 ] As a result of the assume, trains and metro lines saw a reduction to 33 % of their common capacity, while buses saw a reduction to 25-50 % of their usual capacity. The roads to the french molding remained block and all roads leading into Barcelona were besides cut. 190 flights in and out of the city were cancelled as a result of the affect. spanish car manufacturer SEAT far announced a freeze in the product of its Martorell establish and most of Barcelona ‘s tourist sites had been closed and occupied by pro-independence demonstrators waving Estelada independence flags and posters with pro-independence slogans. [ 92 ] The El Clásico football equal between FC Barcelona and Real Madrid CF was postponed due to the strike. [ 93 ] By the end of the day, merely like the previous days, riots developed in the center of Barcelona. Masked individuals blocked the avenue close to the city ‘s police headquarter in Via Laetana. Withdrawn to the vicinity of the Plaça Urquinaona, protesters erected barricades setting pan bins in ardor and hurled debris ( debris from interrupt paving stones ) and early solid objects at riot policemen. [ 94 ] The belly laugh units responded with non-lethal foam and rubber bullets, tear natural gas and fume grenades. The Mossos used for the first time the water system cannon luggage compartment acquired in 1994 from Israel in rate to make way across the barricades. [ 95 ] The clashes spread to cities outside Barcelona, with Spain ‘s acting interior minister stating that 207 policemen had been injured since the begin of the protests, while besides noting that 128 people had been arrested by the state ‘s patrol forces. Miquel Buch, the Catalan Interior Minister, responsible for public club, and a pro-independence politician, called the ferocity “ unprecedented ” and distanced himself from the violent events, rather calling for passive protests to continue. [ 79 ] On 19 October, following a fifth back-to-back night of violence, Catalan President Quim Torra called for talks between the Catalan independence drift and the spanish government, adding that violence had never been the “ flag ” of the independence campaign. [ 96 ] The head of the spanish Government, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, refused to hold talks with the Catalan politics, as it deemed the former had not condemned the ferocity strongly enough. He farther flatly rejected the theme of discussing Catalan Independence, stating that it was impossible under spanish law. [ 97 ]
2021 election [edit ]
In the 2021 regional election, which saw a abject turnout due to the COVID-19 pandemic, pro-independence parties won over 50 % of the democratic vote for the foremost time, and increased their representation in the parliament from 70 to 74 seats. [ 98 ] In June 2021, the nine activists who had been jailed in 2019 were released, having been pardoned by King Felipe VI on the advice of spanish prime minister Pedro Sánchez. [ 99 ]
support for independence [edit ]
late Pro-independence vote evolution [edit ]
Catalan regional elections, reference and independence referendum [edit ]
The parties explicitly campaigning for independence presently represented in the Catalan Parliament are the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ( ERC ) ; the Junts per Catalunya coalition ( composed of Crida Nacional per louisiana República, Acció per louisiana República, Els Verds–Alternativa Verda, and splinter elements from the PDeCAT ) ; and the Candidatura d’Unitat Popular ( CUP ). They obtained 33, 32 and 9 seats, respectively, in the 2021 regional election ( a total of 74 out of 135 seats ). [ 103 ] Including those who won no seats, pro-independence parties had an overall share of 51.3 % of the popular vote. other smaller pro-independence parties or coalitions, without present representation in any parliament, are PDeCAT ( once called CDC ), Catalan Solidarity for Independence, Estat Català, Endavant, PSAN, Poble Lliure and Reagrupament. There are besides youth organisations such as Young Republican Left of Catalonia, Arran, and the student unions SEPC and FNEC .
spanish general elections in Catalonia [edit ]
| Election | Pro-Independence votes |
% Pro-independence (valid votes) |
Population | Valid votes[b] | Turnout[b] | Pro-independence political parties | Comments |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2008 | 298,139 | 8 | 5,324,909 | 3,723,421 | 69.9% | ERC (298,139) | CiU (779,425) |
| 2011 | 244,854 | 7.1 | 5,396,341 | 3,460,860 | 64.1% | ERC (244,854) | CiU (1,015,691) |
| 2015 | 1,169,035 | 31.1 | 5,516,456 | 3,762,859 | 68.2% | ERC (601,782), CDC-DL (567,253) | En Comú (929,880) |
| 2016 | 1,115,722 | 32.1 | 5,519,882 | 3,477,565 | 63.0% | ERC (632,234), CDC (483,488) | En Comú Podem (853,102) in favor of a referendum |
| April 2019 | 1,634,986 | 39.4 | 5,588,145 | 4,146,563 | 74.2% | ERC (1,020,392), JxCAT (500,787), Front Republicà (113,807) | En Comú Podem (615,665) in favor of a referendum |
| November 2019 | 1,642,063 | 42.5% | 5,370,359[104] | 3,828,394 | 71.3% | ERC (869.934), JxCat (527,375), CUP (244,754) | En Comú Podem (546,733) in favor of a referendum |
Elections to the European Parliament in Catalonia [edit ]
| Election | Pro-independence votes | % Pro-independence (valid votes) |
Population | Valid votes[b] | Turnout[b] | Pro-independence political parties | Comments |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | 257,482 | 12.2 | 5,329,787 | 2,116,962 | 39.7% | ERC (249,757), CUP (6,185), EC (1,540) | CiU (369,103), ICV (151,871) |
| 2009 | 186,104 | 9.5 | 5,370,606 | 1,969,043 | 36.7% | ERC (181,213), RC (4,891) | CiU (441,810), ICV (119,755) |
| 2014 | 595,493 | 23.7 | 5,492,297 | 2,513,628 | 45.8% | ERC (595,493), CDC (549,096) | CiU (549,096), ICV (259,152) |
| 2019 | 1,708,396 | 49.8 | 5,645,470 | 3,427,549 | 60.7% | JxCat (981,357), ERC (727,039) |
unofficial consultations and referendum [edit ]
Others [edit ]
“ only dictatorships imprison passive political leaders ” : a streamer at a FC Barcelona match in October 2019 From around 2010, corroborate for Catalan independence broadened from being the preserve of traditional leave or far-left Catalan patriotism. relevant examples are the liberal economists Xavier Sala-i-Martín [ 106 ] and Ramon Tremosa Balcells ( elected deputy for CiU in the european fantan in the 2009 election ), the lawyer and current FC Barcelona president of the united states Joan Laporta [ 107 ] or the jurist and former extremity of the Consejo General del Poder Judicial Alfons López Tena. [ 108 ] The Cercle d’Estudis Sobiranistes, a think tank led by the jurists Alfons López Tena and Hèctor López Bofill, was founded in 2007. [ 109 ] It affiliated with Solidaritat Catalana per lanthanum Independència ( Catalan Solidarity for Independence ) in 2011. [ 110 ] At the beginning of 2021, Òmnium Cultural published a manifesto to obtain pardon for Catalan politicians persecuted by the spanish justice system. Among the signatories are four Nobel Peace Prize winners and several world-renowned personalities such as Yoko Ono Lennon and Dilma Rousseff. The Nobel Peace Prize winners that signed the manifesto are : Jody Williams, Mairead Corrigan, Shirin Ebadi and Adolfo Pérez Esquivel. other individuals include :
resistance to independence [edit ]
political parties [edit ]
All of the spanish national political parties in Catalonia reject the theme of independence, except Catalonia In Common-We Can (Catalunya En Comú-Podem) which are pro-referendum but have remained neutral on the topic. together they represent a minority of votes and a minority of seats in the Catalan fantan. Others such as Ciutadans, [ 124 ] and the People ‘s Party of Catalonia, [ 125 ] which had 25.4 % and 4.2 % of the vote respectively in the 2017 Catalan regional election, have always opposed the impression of Catalan self-government. The Socialists ‘ Party of Catalonia ( 13.9 % of the vote ) opposes independence deoxyadenosine monophosphate well. While some of its members supported the mind of a self-government referendum astir until 2012, [ 126 ] the official status as of 2015 is that the spanish Constitution should be reformed in ordering to better accommodate Catalonia. [ 127 ] A little majority of voters of leftist chopine Catalonia In Common-We Can ( Catalunya En Comú-Podem ) ( 8.94 % ) disapprove independence although the party favours a referendum in which it would campaign for Catalonia remaining separate of Spain. CDC ‘s Catalanist former-partner Unió came out against independence and fared badly in every subsequent election, finally disbanding due to bankruptcy in 2017. [ 128 ]
Anti-independence motion [edit ]
On 8 October 2017, Societat Civil Catalana held a call up against Catalan independence ; the organisers claimed that over a million people attended, while the Barcelona police military unit estimated the issue at about 300,000. [ 129 ] To date this consequence is the largest pro-Constitution and anti-independence demonstration in the history of Catalonia. [ 130 ] [ 131 ] On 12 October 2017, 65,000 people, according to the Barcelona police, marched against independence in a smaller demonstration marking the spanish national sidereal day. The siding was thirteen times more than the anterior class and the highest on record in Barcelona ‘s history for this event. [ 132 ] [ 133 ] [ 134 ] On 29 October 2017, hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated on the streets of Barcelona in prefer of the integrity of Spain and celebrating the spanish government forcing modern regional elections in December, in a demonstration called by Societat Civil Catalana. According to the Delegation of the spanish politics in Catalonia the turnout was of 1,000,000 people whereas according to the Barcelona police it was of 300,000 people. Societat Civil Catalana itself estimated the turnout at 1,000,000 people. [ 135 ] [ 136 ] [ 137 ] In 2017 the concept of ‘ Tabarnia ‘ became popular on social media and received far-flung media attention. Tabarnia is a fictional region covering urban coastal Catalonia demanding independence from the across-the-board region, should it proceed with independence. Arguments in prefer of Tabarnia satirically mirror those in party favor of Catalan independence from Spain. numerous separatists were critical of the concept and responded that the spoof unfairly trivializes Catalonia ‘s independence campaign, which is based in region on Catalonia ‘s distinct polish and identity. [ 138 ] [ 139 ] [ 140 ] This marriage proposal, from a platform created in 2011, was shown to map the electoral results of the Catalan regional election of 21 December 2017, which provoked renewed interest. The word ‘Tabarnia ‘ went viral on 26 December 2017, reaching worldwide top-trending condition with over 648,000 mentions. The beginning major presentation in party favor of Tabarnia ‘s autonomy from Catalonia took station in Barcelona on the 4th of February 2017, with 15,000 participants according to the Guàrdia Urbana and 200,000 according to organizers. [ 141 ]
other individuals [edit ]
opinion poll [edit ]
This is a list of recent impression polling on the subject. Most polls are conducted by the Centre d’Estudis d’Opinió, a inquiry institute under the horizon of the Catalan politics, or the Institut de Ciencès Politiques i Socials, a part of the Autonomous University of Barcelona. however newspapers such as La Vanguardia or El Periodico besides sometimes conduct polls on the subject. Questions about a referendum are listed below if asked, however the ICPS besides asked ‘Do you want Catalunya to be an independent state or do you prefer to stay contribution of Spain ? ‘, where ‘stay part of Spain ‘ regularly performs ~10 points better than ‘No ‘ on the referendum doubt .
- ^ wonder : ‘Do you want Catalunya to be an mugwump state ? ‘ Responses : Yes, No, Do n’t know, No solution
- ^ question : ‘If tomorrow a referendum were held to decide the independence of Catalunya, what would you do ? ‘ Responses : ‘I would vote in party favor ‘, ‘I would vote against ‘, ‘I would n’t vote ‘, ‘Blank or empty right to vote ‘ or ‘Do n’t know/No Response ‘
- ^ question ‘In a referendum on Catalan independence, what way would you vote ? ‘ Responses : ‘Yes ‘, ‘No ‘, ‘Do n’t know, No suffice ‘
long-run prospects [edit ]
Under spanish law, legally exiting Spain would require the spanish parliament to amend the constitution. [ 152 ] It may be difficult for an independent Catalonia to gain international recognition ; for model, many countries fail to recognize Kosovo, despite Kosovo having a strong humanist claim to independence. [ 153 ] [ 154 ] Most of Catalonia ‘s alien exports go to the European Union ; Catalonia would need Spain ‘s license if it wishes to finally re-enter the EU following secession. [ 155 ] [ 156 ] [ 157 ] Catalonia already runs its own police, schools, healthcare, transport, agriculture, environment policy, municipal governments ; early institutions, such as a cardinal bank and a tax income collection service, would have to be rebuilt, possibly losing existing economies of scale. [ 155 ] [ 156 ] Accounting measures vary, but the BBC and The Washington Post cite estimates that in 2014 Catalonians may have paid about 10 billion Euros ( or about US $ 12 billion ) more in taxes to the State than what it received in commute. [ 155 ] [ 158 ] [ 159 ] As of 2014, an independent Catalonia would be the 34th largest economy in the global. [ 160 ] Should Catalonia secede from Spain, some residents of Val d’Aran ( population 10,000 ) have stated they might break away from Catalonia, [ 161 ] [ 162 ] although others state that the local identity has only been recognised by the Catalan Government, something the spanish State never did. [ 162 ]
criticism [edit ]
Opponents of Catalan independence have accused the movement of racism or elitism, and argue that the majority of the Catalan public does not support independence. [ 163 ] In an op-ed for The Guardian Aurora Nacarino-Brabo and Jorge San Miguel Lobeto, two political scientists affiliated with the anti-independence Ciutadans spanish nationalist party, disputed the claim that Catalonia has been oppressed or excluded from spanish politics. They argued that the independence movement is “ neither inclusive nor liberal ”, and criticised nationalists for excluding the spanish public speaking population of Catalonia, and resorting to what they argue are appeals to ethnicity. [ 164 ] These criticisms of ethnic-based appeals and exception of spanish speakers have been echoed by other politicians and public figures opposed to independence, such as former Spanish Prime Minister Felipe González, [ 165 ] and the drawing card of Ciutadans in Catalonia Inés Arrimadas. [ 166 ] Polls show that the wish for independence is positively correlated with having Catalonia-born parents and grandparents, families which besides tend to fare better economically. [ 167 ] Statements by different samara figures in the independence movement have sometimes contributed to this view. In 2013 Carme Forcadell, then president of the influential Assemblea Nacional Catalana and later president of the united states of the Parliament of Catalonia publicly declared that the Partido Popular and Citizens where not depart of the ‘Catalan people ‘ and therefore were ‘enemies ‘ to defeat. [ 168 ] Former president of the united states of the Parliament of Catalonia Núria de Gispert has been involved in controversy over the years due to her Tweets, including comparing members of those two parties with pigs to be exported, or for revealing the address of the school where Citizens ‘ leader Albert Rivera ‘s daughter studied. [ 169 ] Members of the Catalan independence motion have powerfully denied their movement is xenophobic or supremacist and define it as “ an inclusive independence movement in which neither the origin nor the language are authoritative ”. [ 170 ] In addition, independence supporters normally allege most reactionary and xenophobic groups in Catalonia support spanish nationalism, [ 171 ] [ 172 ] and normally participate in trade unionist demonstrations. [ 173 ] [ 174 ] [ 175 ] [ 176 ] On the separate of the independence motion, the Comitès de Defensa de la República ( Committees for the Defense of the Republic ; CDR ) were created and organised to hinder patrol action through passive immunity. In September 2019, seven members of the CDR, alleged to be a ramify called “ Equipos de Respuesta Técnica ” ( tactical Response Teams ), were arrested for terrorist offenses ; they were said to have been found with explosive material and maps of official buildings. [ 177 ] [ 178 ] [ 179 ] Three of them were released on bail in October 2019. [ 180 ]
See besides [edit ]
Notes [edit ]
- ^independentisme català in Catalan: [indəpəndənˈtizmə kətəˈla]
Regional variants:
Eastern Catalan: [indəpəndənˈtizmə kətəˈɫa]
Western Catalan (including Valencian): [independenˈtizme kataˈla] Pronunciation ofin Catalan : regional variants : eastern catalan : [ indəpəndənˈtizmə kətəˈɫa ] Western Catalan ( including Valencian ) : [ independenˈtizme kataˈla ] - a b c d e f g h Blank and null votes are subtracted from the number of voters
References [edit ]
Read more: EFL Trophy – Wikipedia