Prime Minister of Thailand from 2001 to 2006
“ Thaksin ” redirects here. For other uses, see Thaksin ( disambiguation )
Thaksin Shinawatra ( Thai : ทักษิณ ชินวัตร ; RTGS : Thaksin Chinnawat ; pronounced [ tʰák.sǐn t͡ɕʰīn.nā.wát ] ; chinese : 丘達新 ; Montenegrin : Taksin Šinavatra ; [ 6 ] born 26 July 1949 ) is a Thai businessman, politician and visit professor. He served in the Thai Police from 1973 to 1987, and was the Prime Minister of Thailand from 2001 to 2006.

Thaksin founded the mobile telephone operator Advanced Info Service and the IT and telecommunications conglomerate Shin Corporation in 1987, ultimately making him one of the richest people in Thailand. He founded the Thai Rak Thai Party ( TRT ) in 1998 and, after a landslide electoral victory, became prime minister in 2001. He was the beginning democratically elected prime minister of Thailand to serve a full term and was re-elected in 2005 by an overpowering majority. Thaksin declared a “ war on drugs ” in which more than 2,500 people were killed. Thaksin ‘s government launched programs to reduce poverty, expand infrastructure, promote little and medium-sized enterprises, and extend universal healthcare coverage. Thaksin took a strong-arm overture against the breakaway insurgency in the Muslim southerly provinces. His decisiveness to sell shares in his pot for more than a billion tax-exempt dollars generated considerable controversy. A citizens ‘ movement against Thaksin, called People ‘s Alliance for Democracy or “ scandalmongering Shirts ”, launched mass protests, accusing him of corruptness, abuse of baron, and authoritarian tendencies. Thaksin called snap elections that were boycotted by the opposition and invalidated by the Constitutional Court. Thaksin was overthrown in a military coup on 19 September 2006. His party was outlawed and he was barred from political action. [ 7 ] Thaksin has since lived in self-imposed exile except for a brief visit to Thailand in 2008. He was sentenced in absentia to two years in jail for pervert of power. [ 8 ] From afield he has continued to influence Thai politics, through the People ‘s Power Party that ruled in 2008, and its successor organization Pheu Thai Party, arsenic well as the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship or “ red shirt ” movement. His younger sister Yingluck Shinawatra was the prime minister of Thailand from 2011 to 2014 .

inheritance and early life [edit ]

Thaksin ‘s great-grandfather, Seng Saekhu, was an immigrant from Meizhou, Guangdong, China, who arrived in Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Saekhu, was born in Chanthaburi in 1890 and married a Thai woman named Saeng Samana. Chiang ‘s eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra in 1938 because of the country ‘s anti-Chinese drift, and the pillow of the kin besides adopted it. [ 9 ] Seng Saekhu had made his luck through tax farm. Chiang Saekhu/Shinawatra belated founded Shinawatra Silks and then moved into finance, construction, and property development. Thaksin ‘s church father, Loet, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong. Yindi ‘s father, Charoen Ramingwong ( born : Wang Chuan Cheng ), was a Hakka immigrant [ 10 ] who married Princess Chanthip na Chiangmai, a minor penis of the Lanna ( Chiang Mai ) royalty. In 1968, Loet Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai. Loet Shinawatra depart politics in 1976. He opened a chocolate shop, grew oranges and flowers in Chiang Mai ‘s San Kamphaeng District, and opened two cinema, a gas place, and a car and motorcycle franchise. By the clock time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra syndicate was one of the richest and most influential families in Chiang Mai. [ 9 ] Thaksin was born in San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai Province. He is a Theravada Buddhist. He lived in the village of San Kamphaeng until he was 15, then moved to Chiang Mai to study at Montfort College. At 16, he helped run one of his beget ‘s film. [ 11 ] Thaksin married Potjaman Damapong in July 1976. [ 12 ] : 38 They have one son, Panthongtae and two daughters, Pinthongtha and Paethongtarn. They divorced in 2008. [ 13 ] Thaksin ‘s youngest sister, Yingluck Shinawatra ( Thai : ยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร ; RTGS : yinglak chinnawat ), is said to have entered politics in 2011 at her brother ‘s request as drawing card of the pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai Party. She was later elected flower minister on 3 July 2011. [ 14 ] Thaksin earned a doctor’s degree in criminology at Sam Houston State University. [ 15 ] Thaksin lectured at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities of Mahidol University in 1979. [ 16 ]

Police career [edit ]

Thaksin was a member of the tenth class of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School, [ 17 ] and was then admitted to the Thai Police Cadet Academy. Graduating in 1973, he joined the Royal Thai Police. He received a master ‘s degree in criminal judge from Eastern Kentucky University in the United States in 1975, and three years late was awarded a doctor’s degree in criminal department of justice at Sam Houston State University in Huntsville, Texas. Returning to Thailand, he reached the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau, before resigning his commission in 1987 as a Police Lieutenant Colonel and leaving the patrol. His former wife, Potjaman Damapong, is the baby of Police General Priewpan Damapong and now uses her mother ‘s maid name. [ 12 ] : 39 He is a former university lector at Royal Police Cadet Academy in 1975–1976. [ 18 ] [ 19 ] Thaksin ‘s police lieutenant colonel rank was revoked in September 2015. [ 20 ] [ 21 ]

clientele career [edit ]

early ventures [edit ]

Thaksin and his wife began several businesses while he was inactive in the police, including a silk shop class, a cinema, and an apartment construction. All were failures and left him over 50 million baht in debt, which is equal to £108318.11. In 1982, he established ICSI. Using his police contacts, he leased computers to politics agencies with modest achiever. however, later ventures in security systems ( SOS ) and populace bus radio services ( Bus Sound ) all failed. [ 22 ] [ 23 ] In April 1986, he founded Advanced Info Service ( AIS ), which started as a calculator rental business. [ citation needed ] In 1987 Thaksin resigned from the patrol. He then marketed a romance drama called Baan Sai Thong, which became a popular success in theatres. [ 24 ] [ 25 ] In 1988, he joined Pacific Telesis to operate and market the PacLink beeper servicing, a meek success, though Thaksin by and by sold his shares to establish his own page company. [ 11 ] [ 22 ] In 1989, he launched IBC, a cable television receiver company. At that fourth dimension, Thaksin had a good relationship with Chalerm Yoobumrung, the minister of the Prime Minister ‘s Office, who was in charge of Thai press and media. It is a question whether Chalerm granted the right to Thaksin to establish IBC to benefit his close up supporter, seeing that the stick out had been denied by the former administration. [ 26 ] however, it turned out to be a money failure and he finally merged the company with the CP Group ‘s UTV. [ 22 ] [ 27 ] In 1989, Thaksin established a datum network service, Shinawatra DataCom, [ 22 ] today known as Advanced Data Network and owned by AIS and TOT. [ 28 ] Many of Thaksin ‘s businesses were late consolidated as Shin Corporation .

Advanced Info Service and subsequently ventures [edit ]

Advanced Info Service ( AIS ) was given a monopoly contract by Thaksin ‘s military contacts in 1986 and used the GSM-900 frequency isthmus. AIS grew quickly and became the largest mobile earphone operator in Thailand. [ 29 ] The Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and listed in 1990. In 1990, Thaksin founded Shinawatra Satellite, which has developed and operated four Thaicom communications satellites. In 1999, the Shinawatra kin spent some one billion baht establishing Shinawatra University in Pathum Thani. It offers international programs in engineer, architecture, and occupation management, though it ranks quite low in external rankings. In 2000, Thaksin acquired the ailing iTV television station from the Crown Property Bureau, Nation Multimedia Group, and Siam Commercial Bank. [ 30 ] [ 31 ]

entry into politics [edit ]

political career [edit ]

Campaign poster of Thaksin in 2005 Thaksin entered politics in late 1994 through Chamlong Srimuang, who had fair reclaimed the position of Palang Dharma Party ( PDP ) leader from Boonchu Rojanastien. In a subsequent purge of Boonchu-affiliated PDP cabinet ministers, Thaksin was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994, replacing Prasong Soonsiri. [ 32 ] Thaksin left Palang Dharma along with many of its MPs in 1996, and founded the democrat Thai Rak Thai ( TRT ) party in 1998. After a historic election victory in 2001, he became prime minister, the country ‘s first to serve a broad term. [ 33 ] Thaksin introduced a stove of policies to alleviate rural poverty. Highly popular, they helped reduce poverty by half in four years. [ 34 ] [ 35 ] He launched the country ‘s inaugural universal healthcare plan, [ 36 ] the 30-baht dodge, angstrom well as a ill-famed drug suppression campaign. [ 37 ] Thaksin embarked on a massive program of infrastructure investment, including roads, populace transportation system, and Suvarnabhumi Airport. Nevertheless, public sector debt fell from 57 percentage of GDP in January 2001 to 41 percentage in September 2006. [ 38 ] [ 39 ] Levels of corruption were perceived to have fallen, with Transparency International ‘s Corruption Perceptions Index improving from 3.2 to 3.8 between 2001 and 2005. [ 40 ] The Thai Rak Thai party won in a landslide in the 2005 general election, which had the highest voter output in Thai history. [ 41 ] [ 42 ] [ 43 ] Twelve years late, after Thaksin was removed from ability, Chamlong Srimuang expressed regret at getting “ such a corrupt person ” into politics. The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 farming reform corruption scandal, causing the government of Chuan Leekpai to collapse .

PDP leader and Deputy Prime Minister under Banharn [edit ]

Chamlong, strongly criticised for mishandling inner PDP politics in the stopping point days of the Chuan-government, retired from politics and hand-pick Thaksin as new PDP drawing card. Thaksin ran for election for the first time for the constitutional court and lost. Thaksin joined the government of Banharn Silpa-Archa and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic. In May 1996, he and four early PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet ( while retaining their MP seats ), prompting a Cabinet reshuffle. many have claimed that Thaksin ‘s go was designed to help give Chamlong Srimuang a boost in the June 1996 Bangkok Governor elections, which Chamlong returned from retirement to contest. [ 44 ] But Chamlong lost to Bhichit Rattakul, an independent. Chamlong ‘s failure to buttress the PDP ‘s failing baron base in Bangkok amplified divisions in the PDP, peculiarly between Chamlong ‘s “ temple ” cabal and Thaksin ‘s. soon afterwards, Chamlong announced he was retiring again from politics. Thaksin and the PDP pulled out of the Banharn-government in August 1996. In a subsequent no-confidence debate, the PDP gave evidence against the Banharn government, and in September 1996 Banharn dissolved Parliament. Thaksin announced he would not run in the subsequent November 1996 elections but would remain as drawing card of the PDP. It suffered a black kill in the elections, winning lone one seat, and soon imploded, with most members resigning .

Deputy Prime Minister under Chavalit [edit ]

On 15 August 1997, Thaksin became Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh ‘s politics, after the Thai baht was floated and devalued on 2 July 1997, sparking the asian fiscal crisis. He held the position for lone three months, leaving on 14 November when Chavalit resigned. During a censure consider on 27 September 1997, Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting from insider information about the politics ‘s decision to float the baht, [ 45 ] but the future Democrat party-led government did not investigate the accusations. During this period, Thaksin besides served on the Asia Advisory Board of the Washington, D.C. based Carlyle Group until he resigned upon becoming Prime Minister in 2001. [ 46 ]

The Thai Rak Thai Party and the 2001 elections [edit ]

Thaksin founded the Thai Rak Thai ( TRT ) ( ‘Thais Love Thais ‘ ) party in 1998 along with Somkid Jatusripitak, PDP ally Sudarat Keyuraphan, Purachai Piumsomboon, [ 47 ] and 19 others. With a democrat platform often attributed to Somkid, TRT promised universal access to healthcare, a three-year debt moratorium for farmers, and one million baht locally managed development funds for all Thai villages. After Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai dissolved parliament in November 2000, TRT won a swing victory in the January 2001 elections, the foremost held under the Constitution of 1997. At the time, some academics called it the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history. [ 48 ] Thai Rak Thai won 248 parliamentary seats ( more than any early party previously ) and needed merely three more seats to form a politics. however, Thaksin opted for a broad alliance to gain sum restraint and avoid a vote of no assurance, with the Chart Thai Party ( 41 seats ) and the New Aspiration Party ( 36 seats ), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party ( 14 seats ). [ 49 ] Thaksin became Prime Minister of Thailand on 9 February 2001 .

Prime Minister of Thailand, 2001–2006 [edit ]

U.S. President George W. Bush meets with Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand in the Oval Office Tuesday, June 10, 2003. Thaksin Shinawatra was the first prime minister of Thailand to complete a full moon condition in agency, and his rule is broadly agreed to have been one of the most classifiable in the area ‘s modern history. [ 50 ] He initiated many attention-getting policies that distinguished him from his predecessors. [ 51 ] They affected the economy, public health, education, energy, social order, drug inhibition and external relations. He gained one re-election victory. [ 52 ] Thaksin ‘s most effective policies were reducing rural poverty [ 34 ] and the initiation of universal healthcare, allowing him to gather the hitherto-neglected digest of the rural poor, particularly in the populous northeast. [ 52 ] His cabinet consisted of a broad coalescence of academics, former student leaders, and former leaders of the Palang Dharma Party, including Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang, Prapat Panyachatraksa, Surapong Suebwonglee, Somkid Jatusripitak, Surakiart Sathirathai, and Sudarat Keyuraphan. Traditional regional baron brokers besides flocked to his government. however, his politics was increasingly accused of dictatorship, demagoguery, corruption, conflicts of concern, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, using legal loopholes and displaying hostility towards a absolve iron. A highly controversial leader, he has besides been the target of numerous allegations of lèse majesté, treason, usurping religious and royal assurance, selling assets to international investors, and religious profanation. [ 53 ] [ 54 ]

economic policies [edit ]

Thaksin ‘s politics designed its policies to appeal to the rural majority, initiating programs like village-managed microcredit growth funds, low-interest agrarian loans, mastermind injections of cash into greenwich village development funds ( the SML schema ), infrastructure development, and the One Tambon One Product ( OTOP ) rural, little, and medium enterprise development plan. Thaksin ‘s economic policies helped Thailand reclaim from the 1997 asian fiscal crisis and well reduce poverty. GDP grew from 4.9 trillion baht in 2001 to 7.1 trillion baht in 2006. Thailand repaid its debts to the International Monetary Fund two years ahead of schedule. Income in the northeastern, the poorest function of the area, rose by 46 percentage from 2001 to 2006. [ 55 ] Nationwide poverty fell from 21.3 to 11.3 percentage. [ 34 ] Thailand ‘s Gini coefficient, a measure of income inequality, fell from .525 in 2000 to .499 in 2004 ( it had risen from 1996 to 2000 ). [ 56 ] The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets in the region. After facing fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin balanced the national budget, producing comfortable fiscal surpluses for 2003 to 2005. Despite a massive program of infrastructure investments, a balance budget was projected for 2007. [ 57 ] Public sector debt fell from 57 percentage of GDP in January 2001 to 41 percentage in September 2006. [ 38 ] [ 39 ] Foreign exchange reserves doubled from US $ 30 billion in 2001 to US $ 64 billion in 2006. [ 58 ] Critics say Thaksinomics is little more than a Keynesian-style economic stimulation policy re-branded. Others claimed that the policies got the rural poor “ hooked on Thaksin ‘s hand-outs. ” [ 59 ] Thaksin helped legalise Thailand ‘s massive clandestine lottery system numbers crippled ( Thai : หวย ) to be run by the Government Lottery Office. Lottery sales of approximately 70 billion baht ( US $ 2 billion ) were used for social projects, including the “ One District, One eruditeness ” course of study. The Thaksin government besides privatised MCOT, a big television and radio broadcaster. [ 60 ] After the 2006 coup, many of Thaksin ‘s economic policies were ended, the OTOP program was rebranded, the Government Lottery Office ‘s program was deemed illegal, and the government nationalised respective media outlets and energy companies. however, economists from the Thailand Development Research Institute ( TDRI ) published a report indicating that many of the democrat policies had not boosted the economy and some were by coincidence. [ 61 ]

educational policies [edit ]

According to World Bank Thailand has recentralized rather than decentralized during his presidency. [ 62 ] One of Thaksin ‘s educational reforms was school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 Constitution. [ 63 ] [ citation needed ] It was to delegate school management from the over-centralized and bureaucratised Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations ( TAOs ), but met with massive widespread opposition from Thailand ‘s 700,000 teachers, who would be deprived of their condition as civil servants. Teachers besides feared that TAOs lacked the ability to manage schools. In the font of massive teacher protests and several threats of school closure, Thaksin compromised and gave teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management two years to transfer to early schools. [ 64 ] [ citation needed ] early intended policy changes included learning reform and refer curricular decentralization, by and large through greater use of holistic education and less use of rote learn. [ 65 ] To increase access to universities by lower income people, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund ( SLF ) and Income Contingency Loan ( ICL ) programs. He initiated the ICL program to increase access to higher education, whereby needy students could secure a loanword to support their studies from vocational to university levels. Thai banks had traditionally not given educational loans. The ICL, however, required recipients to start repayments when their salaries reached 16,000 baht a month, with interest equivalent to ostentation from the day the loanword was granted. The SLF had an eligibility limit on kin income, but pastime was 1 per cent starting a class after commencement. The programs were merged and the income specify modified after Thaksin ‘s government was overthrown. [ 66 ] Thaksin was one of the first supporters of Nicholas Negroponte ‘s One Laptop Per Child ( OLPC ) undertaking, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units. [ 67 ] The military junta late cancelled the project. Thaksin besides initiated the controversial “ One District, One Dream School ” project, aimed at developing the timbre of schools to ensure that every zone had at least one high-quality school. It was criticised, with claims that the merely beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling computers and educational equipment. many schools fell profoundly into debt in implementing the undertaking, receiving inadequate fiscal support from the central government. [ 68 ] [ 69 ] In addition, he altered the state university entrance system, which had relied entirely on nationally standardised exams. Thaksin pushed for greater weight of senior high-school grades in the hope of focusing students on classroom learning rather than private entrance examination tutor .

Healthcare policies [edit ]

Thaksin initiated two key healthcare policies : subsidised universal health care ( UHC ) in 2002 and low-cost cosmopolitan access to anti-retroviral HIV medicine ( ARVs ). Thaksin ‘s 30 baht per visit UHC program won the praise of the general populace, but was criticised by many physicians and officials. [ 70 ] [ 71 ] Prior to the program ‘s insertion, a bombastic share of the population had no health policy and only specify access to healthcare. The program helped increase healthcare entree from 76 % of the population to 96 %. [ 72 ] At its beginning, UHC was reviled as a “ democrat ” policy. Post- coup public health minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the 30 baht program a “ market doodad ”. [ 73 ] Nearly half of UHC patients were dissatisfied with the treatment they received. [ 70 ] The platform has downsides : excessive workloads for health worry providers, crowded waiting rooms, and insufficient time spent diagnosing each patient, and costs have tripled from 56 million baht in 2006 to 166 million baht in 2019, but inactive remain below one percentage of GDP. On balance, as a Bangkok Post columnist put it, “ … the criticism was wrong. It has become the area ‘s most valuable state benefit service, … ” [ 74 ] From 2001 to 2004, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS ampere well as the overall prevalence pace “ perceptibly declined ”. [ 75 ]

The War on Drugs [edit ]

On 14 January 2003, Thaksin launched a campaign to rid “ every square column inch of the area ” of drugs in three months. [ 76 ] It consisted of changing the punishment policy for drug addicts, setting provincial halt and capture targets including “ blacklists ”, awarding government officials for achieving targets and threatening punishment for those who failed to make the quota, targeting dealers, and “ pitiless ” implementation. In the first three months, Human Rights Watch reports that 2,275 people were extrajudicially executed. [ 77 ] [ 78 ] The government claimed that only around 50 of the deaths were at the hands of the patrol, the remainder being drug traffickers who were being silenced by their dealers and their dealers ‘ dealers. Human rights critics claimed a large issue were extrajudicially executed. [ 79 ] [ 80 ] [ 81 ] [ 82 ] [ 83 ] [ 84 ] [ 85 ] [ 86 ] [ 87 ] [ 88 ] [ 89 ] [ 90 ] [ 91 ] [ 92 ] [ 93 ] King Bhumibol, in a 2003 birthday speech, praised Thaksin : [ 94 ]

“ ไอ้การชัยชนะของการปราบไอ้ยาเสพติดนี่ ดีที่ปราบ แล้วก็ที่เขาตำหนิบอกว่า เอ้ย คนตาย ตั้ง ๒,๕๐๐ คน อะไรนั่น เรื่องเล็ก ๒,๕๐๐ คน ถ้านายกฯ ไม่ได้ทำ นายกฯ ไม่ได้ทำ ทุกปี ๆ จดไว้นะ มีมากกว่า ๒,๕๐๐ คนที่ตาย ” ” Victory in the War on Drugs is full. They may blame the crackdown for more than 2,500 deaths, but this is a modest price to pay. If the prime curate failed to curb [ the drug trade ], over the years the number of deaths would easily surpass this toll. [ 95 ] “

Bhumibol besides asked the commander of the police to investigate the killings. [ 96 ] Police Commander Sant Sarutanond reopened investigations into the deaths, and again claimed that few of the deaths were at the hands of the police. The war on drugs was widely criticised by the international community. Thaksin requested that the UN Commission on Human Rights send a limited emissary to evaluate the position, but said in an interview, “ The United Nations is not my forefather. I am not worry about any UN visit to Thailand on this offspring. ” [ 97 ] After the 2006 coup, the military military junta appointed a committee to investigate the anti-drug political campaign. [ 98 ] Former Attorney General Kanit Na Nakorn led the committee. Concerning the committee ‘s results The Economist reported in January 2008 : “ Over half of those killed in 2003 had no links to the drugs trade wind. The panel blamed the ferocity on a government ‘shoot-to-kill ‘ policy based on blemished blacklists. But far from leading to the prosecutions of those involved, its findings have been buried. The outgoing interim prime minister, Surayud Chulanont, took office vow to right Mr Thaksin ‘s wrongs. Yet this week he said there was insufficient attest to take legal military action over the killings. It is easy to see why the tide has turned. Sunai Phasuk, a research worker for Human Rights Watch, a lobby group, says that the panel ‘s master reputation named the politicians who egged on the gunmen. But after the PPP won last month ‘s elections, those names were omitted. ” [ 99 ] While he was enemy drawing card, Abhisit Vejjajiva accused Thaksin of crimes against world for his alleged function in the campaign. After being appointed Prime Minister, Abhisit opened an probe into the killings, claiming that a successful probe could lead to pursuance by the International Criminal Court. Former attorney-general Kampee Kaewcharoen led the investigation and the probe committee was approved by Abhisit ‘s Cabinet. Abhisit denied that the probe was politically motivated. Witnesses and victims were urged to report to the Department of Special Investigation, which operated immediately under Abhisit ‘s control. [ 77 ] [ 100 ] [ 101 ]

Energy policies [edit ]

In energy policy, the Thaksin government continued the Chuan Leekpai politics ‘s denationalization agenda, but with authoritative changes. Whereas the Chuan government ‘s post- asian fiscal crisis policies sought economic efficiency through industry fragmentation and wholesale power pool competition, [ 102 ] Thaksin ‘s policies aimed to create national champions that could reliably confirm stronger economic growth and become authoritative players in regional energy markets. [ 103 ] Thaksin besides initiated a policy to encourage renewable energy and energy conservation. many Thaksin-era department of energy policies were reversed following the 2006 coup .

South Thailand insurgency [edit ]

A revival in ferocity began in 2001 in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand with their Muslim, cultural Malay majority. There is much controversy about the causes of this escalation. Attacks after 2001 concentrated on patrol, the military, and schools, but civilians ( including Buddhist monks ) are besides regular targets. Thaksin was widely criticised for his management of the situation. Of three key controversial incidents, the first gear was the Army ‘s storm of the Krue Se Mosque, where protesters had holed up and were killed. [ 104 ] The moment, in October 2004, was the kill of 84 Muslim demonstrators at Tak Bai, when the Army broke up a peaceful protest. [ 105 ] Hundreds of detainees were forced at point to lie fettered and prone in Army trucks, stacked like cordwood. The trucks were delayed from moving to the detention area for hours. The 84 victims were reported to have been asphyxiated, crushed or died of overheating. The precise nature and cause of death have been subject to controversy and doubt because of miss of transparency and absence of depth in investigations made. There are other reports of many more deaths but these have not been substantiated. In a third incident, Muslim lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit disappeared, allegedly abducted and killed by patrol for his character in defending alleged insurgents who claimed to have been tortured. Despite witness testimony and forensic evidence during the court of police investigations and court trials, all allegations against police said to be involved were dropped and the enforce disappearance case closed. Thaksin announced an escalation of military and police action in the region. [ 106 ] In July 2005, Thaksin enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three trouble provinces. several human rights organisations expressed their concerns that the decree might be used to violate civil liberties. [ 107 ] In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission, chaired by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun to oversee efforts to bring peace to the disruptive South. In its final report in June 2006, the commission proposed introduce elements of Islamic jurisprudence and making Pattani-Malay ( Yawi ) an official terminology in the region along with Thai. The Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, but nothing came of it. [ 108 ] Thaksin blamed Malaysia ‘s jungle that has occasionally been used to train muslim militants to cause ferocity in the south and Indonesia for being an divine guidance to the militants. [ 109 ]

administrative reform [edit ]

One of the most visible of Thaksin ‘s administrative reforms was the restructure of government department and ministries, labelled the “ big bang. ” It was hailed as a “ historic breakthrough ” and “ the first major reorganization of ministries since King Chulalongkorn set up Thailand ‘s mod system of departmental government in 1897. ” Plans had been studied for years to loosen perceive rigidities and inactiveness of the erstwhile system but were not implemented until the Thaksin government. [ 110 ] hypertext transfer protocol : //web.archive.org/web/20071016205115/http : //etna.mcot.net/query.php ? nid=19066 The restructure was designed to streamline the bureaucracy and focus it on performance and results. New ministries were carved out in Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture. Thaksin transformed the role of peasant governors to that of active policy managers. historically, central government ministries operated in the provinces through plain offices headed by aged officials who reported back to Bangkok, while the Interior Ministry appointed provincial governors whose function was largely ceremony. A key component of Thaksin ‘s administrative reform policy, the “ CEO-governors ” epitomised what was called his “ transformation of the operate on style of the traditional bureaucracy into a more results-oriented musical instrument that would be responsive. ” Piloted in 2001 and introduced in all provinces in October 2003, CEO-governors were put in blame of plan and coordinate provincial development and became accountable for overall provincial affairs. The “ chief executive officer governors ” were assisted by “ provincial CFOs ” from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to each governor. Governors were authorised to raise funds by issuing bonds and were given an intensive train course. [ 111 ] After the coup, the military junta reverted the role of governors. The Thaksin era besides saw the opening of a total of government one-stop service centres to reduce crimson tape for anything from investment to utilities and ID-card action .

Foreign policies [edit ]

Thaksin initiated negotiations for several rid barter agreements with China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the US. The latter particularly was criticised, with claims that high-cost Thai industries could be wiped out. [ 112 ] thailand joined the US-led invasion of Iraq, sending a 423-strong humanist contingent. It withdrew its troops on 10 September 2004. Two Thai soldiers died in Iraq in an insurgent attack. Thaksin announced that Thailand would forsake alien help, and knead with donor countries to assist in the growth of neighbours in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. [ 113 ] Thaksin was repeatedly attacked for acting undiplomatically with alien leaders and the international community. Besides his celebrated pilfer at the UN ( see The ‘war on drugs ‘ above ), there were besides allegations of faux pas at external meetings. [ 114 ] Thaksin was cutting to position Thailand as a regional drawing card, initiating versatile exploitation projects in poor neighbor countries like Laos. More controversially, he established close, friendly ties with the Burmese dictatorship, including extending the impoverish state a 4 billion baht credit agate line so it could conclude a satellite telecommunication share with his family business. [ 115 ]
U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and Thailand Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra at Government House Thaksin energetically supported his early foreign curate Surakiart Sathirathai ‘s somewhat improbable campaign to become UN Secretary General .

Suvarnabhumi Airport [edit ]

Despite consider and long abandonment of the design ascribable to the stability of the ground for the placement of the airport, the Thaksin politics pushed to complete the construction of the new Suvarnabhumi International Airport. The airport was opened a workweek after Thaksin ‘s government was overthrown. Members of Thaksin ‘s politics were accused of putrescence in the Suvarnabhumi Airport project. These allegations were used by the military military junta to justify the 2006 coup. [ 116 ] The military junta initiated respective investigations into the airport. Nevertheless, fact-finding panels found that damage to the airport was “ minute ” and “ common. ” The price of repairing the damage was estimated at less than one percentage of the entire airport monetary value. The military junta was accused by its opponents of delaying airport repairs and intensifying the airport ‘s problems to pin far blasted on the Thaksin government. [ citation needed ]

criticism [edit ]

corruptness [edit ]

Thaksin was accused of “ policy corruption ”, such as infrastructure and liberalization policies that, while legal “ … abuse the public ‘s sake, … ” [ 117 ] Supannee Chai-amporn and Sirinthip Arun-rue of the National Institute of Development Administration ( NIDA ) claimed that policy corruptness caused the state to spend 5 to 30 percentage more than it otherwise should have spent, costing the state an extra 400 billion baht. Thaksin critics point to more examples of corruptness : the Thailand Board of Investment ‘s ( BOI ) granting tax breaks worth a total of 16.4 billion baht to Shin Satellite for its iPSTAR undertaking in 2003, and the Transport Ministry ‘s decision the lapp year to abolish the minimum air do of 3.8 baht per kilometer when Shin Corporation was about to consummate a joint speculation with low-cost carrier AirAsia. [ 118 ] After the 2006 coup, the military junta-appointed Assets Examination Committee froze Thaksin ‘s assets based on charges of policy corruption. [ 119 ] Thaksin denied the allegations. “ They just made up a beautiful term to use against me. There ‘s no such thing in this government. Our policies lone serve the interests of the majority of the people ”, he said. [ 119 ] From 2002 to 2006, the stock monetary value of Shin Corporation increased from 38 to 104 baht, up 173 percentage, while the banal price of Shin Satellite fell. In the lapp period, the Stock Exchange of Thailand ( SET ) index rose 161 per penny, and the price of other major SET gloomy chip companies increased vastly more. Industry deregulation caused the grocery store share of AIS to fall from 68 percentage to 53 percentage. [ 119 ] Transparency International reported that Thailand ‘s reputation for transparency among business executives improved slightly during the years of the Thaksin government. In 2001, Thailand ‘s Corruption Perceptions Index ( CPI ) sexual conquest was 3.2 ( ranked 61 ), whilst in 2005, the CPI was 3.8 ( ranked 59 ). [ 120 ] [ 121 ] [ 122 ] A report of government indicators worldwide by the World Bank gave Thailand a lower mark on “ control of corruption ” from 2002 to 2005 under Thaksin when compared to the Democrat-led government of 1998–2000. [ 123 ] In 2008 Thaksin was sentenced to two years ‘ imprisonment in absentia over a crooked nation cope. In a rule that made him the first Thai politician ever to be convicted of corruption committed while prime minister, Thaksin was found to have violated conflict of interest rules in helping his wife buy kingdom from a state representation at a apparently depleted price. [ 8 ]

other charges

[edit ]

immediately after the events of March 2010, Abhisit Vejjajiva stated that he would talk to the red shirt leadership, but not to Thaksin. He criticised Thaksin ‘s wealth and extravagance, contrasting the alleged luxury of the premier ‘s house and the humble, agrarian roots of many of his supporters. soon after, he condemned his adversary ‘s self-proclaimed affinity with average people, the “ phrai ” ( Thai : ไพร่ ), arguing that Thaksin was far closer to the “ ammart ”, or the traditional elites in Thailand ‘s army, bureaucracy, and political parties. [ 124 ] Thaksin ‘s politics was accused of exerting political influence in its crackdown on unaccredited community radio stations, and Thaksin brought aspersion lawsuits against critical journalists. [ 125 ] [ 126 ]

political crisis of 2005–2006 [edit ]

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, 19 September 2005

2005 re-election [edit ]

Under the slogans “ Four Years of Repair – Four years of reconstruction ” and “ build Opportunities ”, Thaksin and the TRT won landslide victories in February 2005 elections, winning 374 of 500 seats in parliament. The election had the highest voter turnout in Thai history. But his second term was soon beset by protests, with claims that he presided over a “ parliamentary dictatorship ”. [ 127 ] The political crisis was catalysed by accusations published by media baron and democratic lecture prove horde Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter who had broken with him. These included accusations that Thaksin :

  • Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after he printed a sermon by a Luang Ta Maha Bua, a controversial monk.
  • Masterminded the desecration of the famous Erawan Shrine

Sale of Shin Corporation [edit ]

On 23 January 2006, the Shinawatra family sold their entire interest in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. The Shinawatra and Damapong families netted about 73 billion baht ( about US $ 1.88 billion ) tax-exempt from the sale, using a regulation that made individuals who sell shares on the standard exchange nontaxable from capital gains tax. [ 128 ] Thaksin was the aim of accusations of putrescence for selling prevent home assets such as national utility company to a alien entity in exchange for personal profits and kickbacks. Thai laws at the time disallowed the sale of built-in assets of national importance to the public or to any foreign entity, but Thaksin amended the laws to allow such sale. [ citation needed ] Protests followed the Shin Corporation sale, led by the People ‘s Alliance for Democracy ( PAD ), whose leaders included Chamlong and Sondhi. Numbers soon swelled to tens of thousands occupying the sphere around Government House in Bangkok. [ citation needed ]

House dissolving and election [edit ]

Thaksin announced the adjournment of fantan on 24 February 2006. cosmopolitan elections were scheduled for 2 April. Thaksin was attacked for calling for cinch elections, which in effect prevented any extremity of parliament from changing parties. In an column, The Nation noted it that, “ It fails to take into consideration a major fallacy of the concept [ of democracy ], particularly in a less-developed democracy like ours, in which the impoverish, ailing informed masses are easily manipulated by people of his like. And Thaksin ‘s manipulation has been well documented. ” [ 129 ] Thaksin ‘s TRT Party won the widely boycotted elections, gaining 462 seats in fantan, with a proportion of yes-voters to no-voters of 16:10, not counting non-voters. [ 130 ] however, by-elections were needed for 40 TRT candidates who failed to win the minimum 20 percentage required by the 1997 Constitution in uncontested races. [ 131 ] [ 132 ] The Democrat Party refused to contest them [ 131 ] and, along with the PAD, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them. [ 133 ] Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would ignore the elections and “ go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally appointed choice minister ”. [ 134 ] Thaksin had announced on 4 April 2006 that he would not accept the post of prime curate after parliament reconvened, but would continue as caretaker prime minister until then. [ 135 ] He then delegated his functions to caretaker Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wannasathit, moved out of Government House, and went on vacation. [ citation needed ] Elections were held on 25 April and resulted in the TRT winning 25 of the constituencies and losing two. Yet another round of by-elections on 29 April was scheduled for 13 constituencies. The Thai Rak Thai Party was later accused and found guilty of paying smaller parties to contest the election to fulfill the 20 percentage rule, while the Democrat Party was accused of paying smaller parties not to. The by-elections were suspended by the Constitutional Court while it deliberated whether or not to annul the main elections. In crush interviews in exile, Thaksin was to insist on his technical majority. [ 136 ]

annulment of the elections [edit ]

On 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court ruled 8–6 to invalidate the April elections based on the awkward aligning of voting booths. The rule was called a landmark casing in “ judicial activism ”. [ 137 ] The Democrat Party, which had boycotted the April elections, said they were immediately quick to contest an October election. [ 138 ] A raw election was ordered and later set for 15 October 2006. The court found the Election Commissioners guilty of malfeasance and jailed them. But the election was cancelled when the military appropriate office on 19 September .

The ouster [edit ]

The Thaksin politics faced allegations of corruption, dictatorship, treachery, conflicts of concern, acting non-diplomatically, and gag of the crush. [ 139 ] Thaksin was accused of tax evasion, lèse majesté ( insulting King Bhumibol ), and selling assets of Thai companies to international investors. [ 53 ] [ 54 ] Independent bodies, including Amnesty International, criticised Thaksin ‘s homo rights record. Thaksin was besides charged for concealing his wealth during his premiership. [ 140 ] Protests by the People ‘s Alliance for Democracy massed in 2006, and on 19 September 2006 a military military junta which belated called itself the Council for National Security ( CNS ) replaced Thaksin ‘s caretaker government in a coup d’etat while he was abroad. The Constitutional Tribunal dissolved the Thai Rak Thai party for electoral imposter ex post facto, banning him and TRT executives from politics for five years. [ 141 ] The CNS-appointed Assets Examination Committee froze Thaksin and his syndicate ‘s assets in Thailand, totalling 76 billion baht ( US $ 2.2 billion ), claiming he had become unusually affluent while in agency. [ 142 ] [ 143 ] Thaksin and his wife had declared assets totalling 15.1 billion baht when he took office in 2001, although he had transferred many of his assets to his children and associates before taking office. [ 144 ] Thaksin returned to Thailand on 28 February 2008, after the People ‘s Power Party, which he supported, won the post-coup elections. [ 145 ] But after visiting Beijing for the 2008 Summer Olympics, he did not return to hear the final examination supreme court prison term and applied for mental hospital in the United Kingdom. This was refused, after which he had to move about from one state to another. In October 2008, the Thai Supreme Court found him guilty of a conflict of sake and sentenced him in absentia to two years imprisonment. [ 146 ] The People ‘s Power Party was late dissolved by the Supreme Court, but party members regrouped to form the Pheu Thai Party, which Thaksin besides supported. Thaksin is a patron, and alleged bankroller, of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship ( aka “ crimson Shirts ” ). [ 147 ] [ 148 ] The politics revoked Thaksin ‘s passport for his character in the UDD ‘s protests during Songkran 2009. [ 149 ] [ 150 ] [ 151 ] On 26 February 2010, the Supreme Court seized 46 billion baht of his freeze assets, after finding him guilty of abnormal wealth. In 2009 it was announced that Thaksin had obtained Montenegrin citizenship through that country ‘s economic citizenship program. [ 1 ] [ 152 ] [ 153 ] [ 154 ]

September 2006 coup d’etat [edit ]

On the even of 19 September 2006, while Thaksin was visiting New York City to attend a UN summit and speak at the Council on Foreign Relations, the united states army took control of Bangkok. At Government House, some 50 soldiers ordered approximately 220 policemen in the complex to lay down their weapons. Troops besides surrounded the Thaicom satellite receiving station and state-run television station Channel 11. By the morning of 20 September, tanks and military vehicles armed with machine guns were stationed at Government House, the Royal Plaza, and Ratchadamnoen Avenue. [ 155 ] Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre, army units from Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachinburi, and navy sailors. [ 156 ] According to coup drawing card Army General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, coup d’etat leaders had arrested Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya. [ 157 ] The military, in the first place calling itself the Council for democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch ( CDRM ), issued a statement citing the government ‘s allege lèse majesté, corruption, hindrance with state agencies, and creation of social divisions as reasons for the coup. [ 158 ] It declared the King of Thailand the oral sex of state, and said elections would be held soon to return majority rule to the country. Thaksin departed New York for Great Britain, where he had family .

Thai Rak Thai Party [edit ]

many Thai Rak Thai party members were reported to have resigned from the party in the aftermath of the coup d’etat for fear that the party would be dissolved by the military junta and its members banned from politics. These included Somsak Thepsuthin and 100 members of the Wang Nam Yen faction. It was not clear whether Suriya Jungrungreangkit, another influential extremity of the cabal, would besides resign. Sontaya Kunplome was reported to have led 20 members of the Chonburi cabal in resigning from the party. [ 159 ] [ 160 ] On 2 October 2006 Thaksin and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned from the TRT. [ 161 ] [ 162 ] Chaturon Chaisang took over as party head. The TRT was dissolved on 30 May 2007 by the Constitutional Tribunal, which banned over 100 of its executives, including Thaksin, from politics for five years, based on charges that two party executives ( Defense Minister Thammarak and Pongsak Raktapongpaisarn ) bribed a smaller party to stand in the April 2006 election. The Democrat party was cleared on a similar charge .

2006 Bangkok New Year ‘s Eve bombings [edit ]

On 31 December 2006 and 1 January 2007, respective bombs exploded in Bangkok, killing three and wounding a number of bystanders. Prime Minister General Surayud Chulanont accused “ those who lost office as a solution of the military takeover ” of masterminding the bombings, but did not directly identify Thaksin. Thaksin went on CNN to publicly deny any interest in the bombings. The government did not make any arrests in the case. [ 163 ]

Legal charges [edit ]

Thaksin ‘s diplomatic passport was revoked on 31 December 2006 after the military junta accused him of engaging in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to aid him in his travels. A junta-appointed Assets Examination Committee ( AEC ) froze Thaksin ‘s assets and attempted to bring charges against him. The AEC was criticised for being stacked with anti-Thaksin appointees. At one point, AEC Secretary Kaewsan Atibodhi claimed that “ evidence and witnesses are useless ”, when an AEC dialog box recommended legal action without hearing 300 witnesses or considering 100 extra pieces of evidence. [ 164 ] The AEC froze Thaksin ‘s assets. In January 2007, the Financial Institutions Development Fund ( FIDF ) complied with an AEC request to file a blame against Thaksin and his wife for their purchase of four 772 million baht plots of bring from the FIDF in 2003. The charge was based on an alleged trespass of Article 100 of the National Counter Corruption Act, which prohibits government officials and their spouses from entering into or having interests in contracts made with state of matter agencies under their authority. The AEC besides accused Thaksin of issuing an unlawful cabinet resolution approving the spend of department of state funds to buy rubber saplings. In March 2007, the Office of the Attorney-General charged Thaksin ‘s wife and brother-in-law with conspiring to evade taxes of 546 million baht ( US $ 15.6 million ) in a 1997 transfer of Shin Corporation shares. The AEC found Thaksin guilty of malfeasance for obstructing competition by imposing an excise tax on telecommunication operators. Thaksin ‘s Cabinet had approved the relevant administrator rule in 2003 .
As prime curate, Thaksin had unsuccessfully sought to buy the English Premier League football clubs Fulham and subsequently Liverpool, in what critics claimed was a publicity stunt in response to his political problems. [ 165 ] On 21 June 2007, now out of office, Thaksin bought Premier League club Manchester City for £81.6 million. [ 166 ] He became concisely popular with fans ( who nicknamed him “ Frank ”, [ 167 ] ) particularly after appointing Sven-Göran Eriksson director of the club and bring in outstanding players. [ 168 ] Eriksson was subsequently critical of Thaksin ‘s run of the club, saying “ he [ Thaksin ] did n’t understand football – he had n’t a clue. ” [ 169 ] He sold the club to investors from Abu Dhabi United Group in September 2008 for a reported £200 million. [ 170 ] After selling Manchester City, Thaksin was nominated as “ honorary president ” but did not have any administrative responsibilities. [ 171 ] however, he was late dismissed as honorary club president after the baseball club took a side against him following his conviction and was “ on the run ” from Thai authorities. [ 172 ]

Convictions and exile [edit ]

In May 2007, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont said Thaksin was complimentary to return to Thailand, and he would personally guarantee Thaksin ‘s condom. In January 2008 Thaksin ‘s wife Potjaman was arrested on arrival in Bangkok but released on bail after appearing at the Supreme Court, with orders not to leave the area. [ 173 ] She was set to be tried for alleged violation of standard -trading and land sale laws. [ 174 ] On 28 February 2008, Thaksin arrived in Bangkok after 17 months in expatriate. Thaksin stated that he would not re-enter politics and wished to focus on his football interests. [ 175 ] In March Thaksin pleaded not guilty before the Supreme Court in one of his two criminal corruption cases. He was ordered to report second on 11 April after the court granted a month-long trip to England. [ 176 ] In June the Supreme Court denied Thaksin ‘s request to travel to China and Britain, since his corruption case was set for trial and was ordered to surrender his recommendation after arraignment. [ 177 ] [ 178 ] In July the court assumed legal power over the fourth corruption charge against Thaksin concerning soft loans to Burma. The court besides agreed to hear allegations that Thaksin, his erstwhile cabinet, and three members of the stream government broke anti-gambling laws by setting up the new state lottery in 2003. [ 179 ] [ 180 ] Potjaman was found guilty on 31 July and sentenced to three years imprisonment, then released on bail. The Bangkok Criminal Court besides convicted her adopted buddy Bhanapot Damapong and her secretary, who allegedly held assets for Thaksin by proxy, of tax evasion. [ 181 ] [ 182 ]

Request for mental hospital in the United Kingdom [edit ]

On 10 August 2008, Thaksin and Potjaman violated their bail terms by attending the 2008 Summer Olympics Opening Ceremony in Beijing. [ 183 ] Stating that he wished to return to Thailand but claimed it was not presently safe for him and his family. [ 184 ] [ 185 ] Thaksin sought political mental hospital in the United Kingdom, [ 186 ] claiming his political enemies were interfering with the judiciary. There is no evidence that he proceeded with his request and his mental hospital font was neither approved nor declined. The Thailand Supreme Court ‘s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions issued a second collar guarantee on 16 September 2008 against Thaksin over another of the four pending corruption cases and rate suspension of the test. [ 187 ] [ 188 ] Several more apprehension warrants were issued over subsequent no-shows at diverse corruption trials. [ 189 ] [ 190 ] [ 191 ] [ 192 ] [ 193 ]

Ratchadaphisek state verdict [edit ]

On 21 October 2008, the Supreme Court ‘s Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions ruled that Thaksin, while premier curate, abused his baron to help his wife buy public domain at auction, and sentenced him to two years in imprison. [ 194 ] soon after, Thaksin told Reuters, “ I have been informed of the resultant role. I had long anticipated that it would turn out this manner ”, and added that the casing was politically motivated. [ 195 ] Chief prosecutor Seksan Bangsombun called on Britain to extradite him. [ 196 ] Thaksin now denied he was seeking political refuge in Britain. [ 197 ]

self-imposed exile [edit ]

On 10 November 2008, a Philippine spokesman said his government would “ politely ” turn down any request for political recourse from Thaksin due to Manila ‘s “ friendly ” relations with Bangkok. [ 198 ] [ 199 ] [ 200 ] The british Government Home Office, interim, revoked Potjaman and Thaksin ‘s visa due to their convictions, while the Bangkok british Embassy e-mail airlines asking them to disallow either of them to board flights to Britain. [ 201 ] In late 2008, Arabian Business reported that the UK froze US $ 4.2 billion of his assets in the UK. The united kingdom government did not confirm or deny this claim. [ 202 ] Thaksin had reportedly considered sanctuaries such as China, the Bahamas, Nicaragua, and several other countries in South America and Africa. Reports said the Shinawatras were granted honorary citizenship by the Bahamas and Nicaragua, and were building a £5.5 million home in China. As of late-May 2009, he reportedly remained in Dubai. [ 203 ] [ 204 ] [ 205 ] A spokesman claimed Thaksin was travelling on six passports, none of them Thai. [ 206 ] In December 2008 Thaksin obtained a residency let for Germany [ 207 ] which was subsequently withdrawn on 28 May 2009 when the german government became aware of the agreement. Thaksin then obtained status as a diplomat of Nicaragua. [ 207 ] [ 208 ] Guido Westerwelle, German alien minister, lifted the travel restriction banning Thaksin from entering Germany on 15 July 2011 after the election victory of Thaksin ‘s proxy party. [ 207 ] In a November 2009 consultation, Thaksin told The Times that he was living in Dubai, still had access to about US $ 100 million of his money outside of Thailand, and was investing in amber mines, rhombus shining, and lottery licenses in respective countries. [ 209 ]

Songkran unrest [edit ]

In mid-april 2009, violent protests of by and large Thaksin supporters calling themselves the National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship ( UDD ) led to the cancellation of the ASEAN peak in Pattaya and a resolution of a express of hand brake in Bangkok. Thaksin had given encouragement at UDD rallies via satellite and phone-in associate, at one steer calling for a “ people ‘s revolution ”. Following inhibition of the protests he claimed to have merely been offering “ moral support ”. [ 147 ] [ 210 ] Thaksin supported protests by the UDD against the Abhisit Vejjajiva government, demanding Thaksin be allowed to return free from all the earlier corruptness charges. [ 148 ] [ 149 ] [ 150 ] [ 151 ] Thaksin denied leading the UDD, claiming he only gave them “ moral digest ”. [ 147 ]

money laundering allegations [edit ]

In April 2009, Privy Councilor General Pichitr Kullavanijaya reported he had been informed by erstwhile US ambassador to Thailand Ralph L. Boyce that Thaksin had laundered 100 billion baht ( US $ 2.8 billion ) through Cayman Island bank accounts to organise the anti-government protests. Boyce himself said that he had “ … no estimate why he was cited as a knowledgeable reference about where Thaksin may or may not have made deposits, and that he has no such data. ” [ 211 ]

Economic adviser to Cambodia [edit ]

On 4 November 2009, it was announced that Thaksin had been appointed as particular adviser to the cambodian government and Hun Sen and stated that Cambodia would refuse to extradite Thaksin because it considered him a victim of political persecution. On 5 November 2009, both countries recalled their ambassadors. [ 212 ] Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva stated this was “ the first diplomatic retaliation meter ”. [ 212 ] Stating Cambodia was interfering in Thailand ‘s inner affairs and as a resultant role all bilateral agreements would be reviewed. [ 212 ] [ 213 ] [ 214 ] Sok An, a member of the Council of Ministers and Deputy Prime Minister of Cambodia, said Thaksin ‘s appointment is a decision inner to Cambodia and “ conforms to international practice ”. [ 214 ] The reciprocal withdrawal of ambassadors is the most severe diplomatic natural process to have occurred between the two countries. [ 214 ]

Spy controversy [edit ]

On 11 November 2009, Sivarak Chutipong was arrested by cambodian patrol for passing the confidential escape plans of Thaksin and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to Kamrob Palawatwichai, First Secretary of the Royal Thai Embassy in Cambodia. Sivarak was a Thai engineer working in Cambodia for Cambodia Air Traffic Service, the individual fast which managed vent traffic control in Cambodia. [ 215 ] Sivarak denied that he was a spy, and the Thai government claimed that he was innocent and that the incident was a Thaksin/Cambodian plot to further damage relations between the two countries. The Thai First Secretary was expelled from Cambodia. Sivarak demanded that former First Secretary Kamrob speak out and restore his damaged reputation by confirming he was not involved in a spy closed chain. Kamrob refused to provide comment to the wardrobe throughout the controversy, and Kasit ‘s secretary, Chavanond Intarakomalyasut, insisted that although that there was no misconduct on the part of the First Secretary or Sivarak, there would be no affirmation from Kamrob. [ 216 ] Sivarak was subsequently sentenced to imprison for seven years. Thaksin requested the cambodian government to pardon Sivarak, and he was soon pardoned by King Norodom Sihamoni and expelled. Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban late accused Sivarak of staging his own halt in orderliness to discredit the Abhisit government. [ 217 ] Former Thai spy headman and Foreign Minister Prasong Soonsiri concurred, claiming, “ It has been a set-up from the begin. [ 218 ]

Frozen asset capture [edit ]

prior to the verdict [edit ]

On 26 February 2010, the Thai Supreme Court was scheduled to render its verdict on whether to seize Thaksin ‘s Thai assets, worth 76 billion baht frozen by the AEC after the coup. The AEC froze the assets under the authority of Announcement No. 30 of the military military junta. [ 142 ] Tensions run high throughout Thailand. Tens of thousands of politics security forces were deployed, particularly in routes leading to Bangkok. however, the UDD denied that it would rally on the date of the verdict. [ 219 ] [ 220 ] The nine Supreme Court judges had to make a sagacity on accusations of abnormal wealth through policy corruption. Policy corruption, was defined by the court as the abuse of powers by implementing economic policies that, while in themselves legal and of electric potential profit to company and the economy, besides aided companies that were owned in part by the policy godhead. [ 117 ] The prosecution claimed that Thaksin abused his powers five times while premier .
The first and last pages of the verdict with the signatures of the nine supreme court judges

The verdict [edit ]

The court inaugural ruled that Thaksin and Potjaman were the real owners of the assets, rather than his children and relatives. The court besides ruled that it had the authority to seize assets, based on the announcements of the military junta. The court found Thaksin guilty of four out of five policy corruption, and ordered that 46 billion baht be seized. The remaining 30 billion was to remain flash-frozen .

  • Count 1: Conversion of telecom concession fees into excise charges. Previously, telecom operators had to pay TOT/CAT a percentage of their revenue as a concession fee (TOT/CAT are state-owned enterprises, although they were going through the process of privatisation). The Thaksin government modified this into a system wherein all operators would instead directly pay the government an equivalent excise tax. The imposition of excise tax here would eventually be passed on to consumers.[221] Thaksin claimed that all operators continued to pay the same total costs. The judges ruled that this benefited AIS while harming TOT, and thus was an abuse of power.
  • Count 2: Modification of a revenue sharing agreement on pre-paid mobile services. Previously, telecom operators had to pay TOT a percentage of their revenues for post-paid mobile services. To offer pre-paid services, which generally cost the consumer less, AIS negotiated with TOT to design a revenue sharing agreement for pre-paid services that offered less revenue to TOT, an estimated loss of 14.2 billion baht (revenue reduced from 25 to 20 percent) from 2001 to 2006 and another estimated loss of 56 billion baht (revenue reduced from 30 to 20 percent) from 2006 to 2015.[222] The judges ruled that the terms of the pre-paid agreement harmed TOT while benefiting AIS. The judges did not dispute the fact that TOT’s total revenue actually increased substantially as a result of the agreement, but noted that the rise in pre-paid revenue came about while harming TOT’s post-paid revenue. The massive growth in Thai mobile penetration from 13 percent in 2001 to 80 percent in 2007, due almost completely to pre-paid services, and the reduction in AIS market share from 68 to 53 percent in the same period were not taken into account by the court.
  • Count 3: Modification of mobile roaming agreement. Previously, there were no roaming agreements between mobile operators – subscribers from one operator were not allowed to use services on another operator’s network, thus limiting the growth of the mobile industry. Under the Thaksin government, roaming was allowed, with roaming fees deducted from the revenue that AIS and other operators had to share with TOT and other state enterprises. Essentially, TOT helped AIS shoulder the costs of its subscribers roaming on the mobile networks of other operators. This reduced TOT and CAT’s income while benefiting the operators. However, the judges ruled that it while benefited AIS, it did so to the benefit of AIS’s new owners (Temasek Holdings) rather than Thaksin, and hence was not an abuse of power.
  • Count 4: Replacement of ThaiCom 4 with iPSTAR. A previous government had originally contracted with ShinSat to launch and operate ThaiCom 4 as a backup satellite for ThaiCom 3. Instead, ShinSat negotiated with the Thaksin government to launch iPSTAR, at the time the largest commercial satellite in history, which it claimed could offer commercial internet services while also providing backup for ThaiCom 3. However, the claim is not technically possible since iPSTAR does not have C-band transponders as Thaicom 3. Shin Corp’s ownership in ShinSat was subsequently reduced from 51% to 40%. The judges found that the changes in ownership and satellite specification change reduced Thailand’s communications security by not having the backup satellite for ThaiCom 3 on the one-to-one basis. It also noted that the negotiations allowed ShinSat to launch a satellite with much greater commercial potential than ThaiCom 4 without having to bid for a separate concession agreement.
  • Count 5: EXIM Bank loan to Myanmar to pay for ThaiCom services. Thaksin was scheduled to meet with Burmese leaders to negotiate trade deals between the two countries. One of the deals negotiated gave Myanmar a Thai EXIM Bank loan to purchase 376 million baht in satellite services from ShinSat. Thaksin noted that many deals were struck in the negotiations, and that 16 other companies also benefited from the EXIM Bank’s loans. The judges ruled that the loans gave preferential treatment to Thaksin, and hence were an abuse of power.[223][224]

The judges decided to seize 46 billion differences in measure of Shin Corp. shares from the date when he came to agency and the value when the shares were sold to Singapore ‘s Temasek Holdings in early 2006. note that, Thaksin had declared around 500 million baht in assets and Pojaman had 8 billion to 9 billion baht while Thaksin served as prime minister. [ 222 ] Nevertheless, during that period, Shin shares gained 121 %, compared with a 128 % gain in the benchmark SET index, while Siam Cement, one of Thailand ‘s premier blue chip companies, gained 717 %. [ 225 ] The judges did not find that Thaksin was guilty of malfeasance. They besides noted that any benefit to the politics from Thaksin ‘s policies was irrelevant to the govern. The politics reaped approximately 100 billion baht in increased gross from changes in the concession agreements alone. [ 226 ]

aftermath [edit ]

In an e-mail to his supporters, Thaksin claimed that the court was used as a tool. He besides noted how the Thai stock commercialize rose to the benefit of many companies, not just his, and claimed that all charges against him were politically motivated. He thanked his supporters for not protesting while the verdict was being read, and implored them to use non-violent means in the future. Pojaman na Pombejra insisted that tens of billions of baht of her wealth had been given to her children and relatives good before Thaksin took office in 2001 and denied that her children and relatives were nominees of her and her husband. She besides denied having any control condition over Ample Rich and Win Mark, two firms that the AEC had accused of being her nominees. [ 227 ] In malice of Pojaman ‘s claim, Thaksin was the authorized signature for Ample Rich through 2005, making him the only individual authorised to withdraw funds from the ship’s company ‘s explanation until he transferred the authority to his children, four years after he took office in 2001. [ 228 ] Some UDD members held a little protest in presence of the court, but did not disrupt the rule as the government had predicted they would. The UDD leaders announced that a large-scale protest was scheduled to be held on 14 March 2010. On the evening of 27 February, M67 grenades were thrown from a motorcycle outside three branches of Bangkok Bank. cipher was hurt or injured in the attacks. The perpetrators were not caught, and no constitution claimed duty for the attacks. Thaksin and the UDD were quick to deny any affair. [ 229 ] [ 230 ] [ 231 ] An apprehension guarantee was issued based on sketches of a motorcycle driver. [ 232 ]

transfer of Shin Corp. Shares [edit ]

The law does not allow the prime minister to run a side business while holding agency. Charges were pressed against Thaksin on wealth screen while in office. [ 233 ] [ 234 ] Prior to the wealth resolution of Thaksin and his syndicate when he took office, there had been an solicitation to The National Anti-Corruption Commission that there were some suspicions about the numbers in the report .

Transferring to maid and driver [edit ]

Thaksin was charged with illegally concealing billions of baht of his wealth by transferring ownership of Shin Corp. shares to his drivers and maids without their cognition. Thaksin tearfully told the Constitutional Court that it was an honest mistake before the Court acquitted him on the charges. [ 235 ]

Transferring shares to children who reached adulthood [edit ]

There was besides a controversy over whether there was any obscure tax evasion when Thaksin and Potjaman transferred their tibia Corporation shares to their children. Panthongtae and Pinthongta Shinawatra were accused of being nominees of their parents. The transportation of shares from Thaksin and Potjaman to Parnthongtae was claimed to have been a fake, since there was no actual transfer of money. Panthongtae said the shares were sold to him at monetary value. Thaksin stated he had a written agreement proving the transfer to his son. Prior to the transfer, Panthongtae had signed an agreement with his father to settle a 4.5 billion baht debt from buying 300 million shares of the Thai Military Bank ( TMB ). however, the actual marketplace value of the TMB shares at that time was entirely 1.5 billion baht. This showed a “ talk through one’s hat debt ” of 3 billion baht had been created. [ 236 ] The Assets Examination Committee ( AEC ) discovered that the history of Panthongtae ‘s which had received Shin Corporation ‘s dividend had besides been used to transfer money to Potjaman ‘s account, to the sum of 1.1 billion baht. Pintongtha was besides accused of being a campaigner for her parents. She said that the money from her mother was a “ birthday salute ”. This birthday award was used to buy 367 million shares of Shin Corporation, which left her buddy with the lapp total. The AEC found the report had been receiving dividends from Shin Corp. There were no transactions between Pintongtha ‘s account and her beget ‘s bill. however, the dividend money was used to buy SC Asset shares from WinMark to the measure of 71 million baht and shares from 5 real-estate firms from 2 funds in 2004 worth 485 million baht. DSI, AEC, and Securities and Exchange Commission discovered that both WinMark and the two funds are owned by Thaksin and his erstwhile wife. [ 237 ]

lineage [edit ]

Honours, decorations and awards [edit ]

National honours [edit ]

The list of national honours received by Thaksin Shinawatra has been arranged as per the Thai honours order of precedence.

Foreign honours [edit ]

Academic crying [edit ]

Awards [edit ]

See besides [edit ]

References [edit ]

further read [edit ]

  • Bidhya Bowornwathana (2004). “Thaksin’s model of government reform: Prime Ministerialisation through “a country is my company” approach”. Asian Journal of Political Science. 12 (1): 135–153. doi:10.1080/02185370408434237. S2CID 153481914.
  • Pavin Chachavalpongpun (2010). Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and His Foreign Policy. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 978-616-215-000-5.
  • John Funston, ed. (2009), Divided over Thaksin: Thailand’s Coup and Problematic Transition, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ISBN 978-981-230-961-7
  • McCargo, Duncan; Pathmanand, Ukrist (2005). The Thaksinization of Thailand ( PDF ) (Hardcopy ed.). Copenhagen: NIAS Press. ISBN 87-91114-45-4 .
  • Pasuk Phongpaichit; Chris Baker (2008). “Thaksin’s populism”. Journal of Contemporary Asia. 38 (1): 62–83. doi:10.1080/00472330701651960. S2CID 143550663.